If    <t{  A  PUBLIC  OFFICE  IS  A  PUBLIC  TRUST. 

PRESIDENT 


AND    HIS 


e/IBIRGT. 


Indicating  the  Progress  of  the  Government 

of  the   United  States  lender  the 

Administration  of 

GROVER  CLEVELAND 


TO   WHICH    IS    ADDED 


The   President's    Message   on    the    Tariff ' ;    the    Democratic 

Platform  of  1888  ;    Letters  of  Acceptance  ;   and  other 

valuable  documents,  including  a  Biography  of 

Hon.  Allen  G.  Thurman. 


C.  B.  NORTON, 
EDITOR  OF  "  CIVIL  SERVICE  CHRONICLE." 


Illustrated  with  Portraits  and  Views. 


U0NAR? 

UHfVflWlfY  O- 


, 


' 


THE  PRESIDENT 


AND     HIS 


CABINET 

INDICATING   THE  PROGRESS  OF    THE   GOV- 
ERNMENT OF    THE   UNITED  STATES 
UNDER    THE   ADMINISTRA- 
TION OF 

GROVER   CLEVELAND 


BY 

C.  B.  NORTON 

Editor  of  the   Civil  Service   Chronicle 
'A    PUBLIC    OFFICE    IS    A    PUBLIC    TRUST1 


ILLUSTRATED    WITH  PORTRAITS  AND    VIEWS 


BOSTON 

CUPPLES   AND   KURD,  PUBLISHERS 
1888 


COPYRIGHT,  1888, 
BY   C.    B.    NORTON. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


Dedicated  to 

Prosper  Bender,   M.<D.,  a  warm  friend   and   con- 
siderate adviser,  by 

C.    B.    NORTON. 


CONTENTS. 


x  PAGE 

INTRODUCTION -9 

CHAPTER  I.  CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS  .  .17 
CHAP.  II.  CLEVELAND  AS  MAYOR  .  .  29 
CHAP.  III.  CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR  ,  .  39 
CHAP.  IV.  CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT  .  .  55 
CHAP.  V.  THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT  .  .103 
CHAP.  VI.  THE  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT  .  117 
CHAP.  VII.  THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  .  .  139 

CHAP.  VIII.  THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT      .        .       153 
CHAP.      IX.  THE  POST  OFFICE  DEPARTMENT        .  161 
CHAP.        X.  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR  .       171 
CHAP.       XI.  DEPARTMENT   OF  JUSTICE — DEPART- 
MENT OF  AGRICULTURE — DEPART- 
MENT   OF    LABOR — GOVERNMENT 
PRINTING    OFFICE — U.    S.    CIVIL 
SERVICE  COMMISSION          ,  .191 

CHAP.  XII.  ALLEN  G.  THURMAN  .  .  .  211 
CHAP.  XIII.  OFFICIAL  DOCUMENTS  .  .  .  229 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


GROVER  CLEVELAND,  President,  .  .  Frontispiece 
THE  CITY  HALL,  Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  ...  29 
THE  STATE  HOUSE,  Albany,  N.  Y.,  .  .  .  39 
THE  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  Washington,  D.  C.,  .  55 
T.  F.  BAYARD,  Secretary  of  State,  .  .  .  103 
C.  S.  FAIRCHILD,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  .  117 
WM.  C.  ENDICOTT,  Secretary  of  War,  .  .  139 
W.  C.  WHITNEY,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  .  .  153 
DON  M.  DICKINSON,  Postmaster-General,  .  161 
WM.  F.  VILAS,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  .  .  171 
A.  H.  GARLAND,  Attorney-General,  .  .  .  191 
ALLEN  G.  THURMAN,  candidate  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent,   .211 

RESIDENCE  OF  ALLEN  G.  THURMAN,  Columbus,  O.  217 

THE  CAPITOL,  Washington,  D.  C.,        .  229 


WORDS  OF  ACKNOWLEDGMENT. 


IN  the  preparation  of  this  work,  the  writer  has  had 
recourse  to  the  biographies  of  Mr.  Cleveland  published 
in  1884,  written  by  Gen.  La  Fevre,  Deshler  Welch, 
Thomas  W.  Handford,  and  others,  to  all  of  whom  he 
desires  to  express  his  obligations  ;  also  specially  to  the 
heads  of  departments,  chief  clerks,  and  other  officers  of 
the  Administration,  for  their  uniform  courtesy  and  kind- 
ness. The  admirable  portraits  of  the  Cabinet  officers 
are  from  photographs  by  C.  M.  Bell ;  the  one  of  the 
President,  by  Merritt  &  Van  Wagner,  —  all  used  by  per- 
mission, for  which  thanks  are  now  returned. 

C.  B.  N. 


INTRODUCTION. 


THERE  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  present  condition 
of  this  country  is  a  very  satisfactory  one  to  the  ma- 
jority of  its  citizens.  That  this  is  largely  due  to  the 
existence  of  an  honest  and  thorough  business  admin- 
istration, and  the  enforcement  of  a  statesmanlike 
foreign  and  domestic  policy,  are  facts  that  hardly  any 
but  the  most  bigoted  partisan  will  challenge. 

It  is  equally  true  that  Grover  Cleveland  has  given 
more  time  and  closer  supervision  to  the  duties  of  his 
office,  and  administered  the  affairs  of  the  country 
more  safely,  economically,  and  judiciously,  than  any 
of  his  predecessors  in  time  of  peace.  There  is  no 
department  of  the  government  with  the  work  of 
which  he  is  not  fully  acquainted,  and  all  the  officers 
of  the  government  testify  to  his  minute  and  con- 
scientious inquiry  into  all  matters  submitted  to  him. 
And  yet  he  finds  time  to  receive  all  callers  at  the 
White  House,  which  he  does  with  that  simple, 
straightforward,  and  hearty  manner  which  has  won 
him  the  affection  and  esteem  of  all  who  have  come 
in  contact  with  him ;  even  his  political  opponents  do 

9 


10 


INTROD  UCTION. 


not  leave  his  presence  without  experiencing  the 
greatest  respect  for  their  host. 

We  think  that  we  may  dare  to  assert  that  no 
President,  since  the  foundation  of  the  government, 
has  shown  greater  wisdom  in  the  safe  guarding  of 
the  institutions  of  the  country,  given  more  encour- 
agement and  judicious  protection  to  our  industries, 
inaugurated  better  or  sounder  policies,  enacted  more 
desirable  laws,  advocated  a  more  beneficial  revision 
of  the  tariff  system,  or  administered  the  affairs  of 
the  country  with  greater  integrity  or  stricter  economy 
than  Grover  Cleveland. 

In  brief,  Grover  Cleveland  has  been  the  highest 
exponent  of  the  great  principles  of  Democracy  and 
economical  government.  His  past  is  a  pled'ge  for 
the  future,  and,  if  he  be  given  an  opportunity 
to  carry  out  the  reforms  he  advocates  with  such 
characteristic  courage  and  patriotism,  including  the 
revision  of  the  present  tariff  laws  and  the  reduction 
of  the  national  taxation,  a  greater  era  of  peace,  pros- 
perity, and  happiness  than  ever  known  in  our  annals 
is  before  us. 

With  the  view  of  placing  before  our  fellow-citizens 
the  practical  and  beneficial  results  of  the  Cleveland 
regime,  and  to  comply  with  innumerable  requests 
for  more  information  concerning  the  past  and  present 
of  our  chief  of  state,  this  work  has  been  prepared. 


IN  TROD  UCTION. 


II 


We  shall  devote  some  space  to  a  biographical 
sketch  of  our  illustrious  countryman,  and  give  be- 
sides many  interesting  facts  regarding  the  operation 
of  the  different  departments  which  he  controls,  and 
for  which  he  is  responsible  to  the  country. 

It  will  be  shown  that  under 

THE    STATE    DEPARTMENT 

our  foreign  relations  have  steadily  and  satisfactorily 
improved,  that  our  consular  service  was  never  so 
effective,  that  the  valuable  weekly  and  monthly  re- 
ports supplied  by  the  consuls  are  already  yielding 
important  results,  such  as  the  adoption  of  the  sug- 
gestions therein  contained  by  our  inventors  and  man- 
ufacturers, with  all  the  benefits  which  that  implies. 
The  effect  of  the  wise  and  safe  financial  policy  of 

THE   TREASURY   DEPARTMENT 

will  be  fully  established.  Under  the  able  supervision 
of  the  secretary,  the  work  of  the  department  has 
been  greatly  simplified  and  rendered  more  practi- ; 
cable.  Through  the  adoption  and  enforcement  of  the 
rules  of  merit  service,  there  has  been  secured  a  great 
economy  in  the  general  management  of  the  depart- 
ment, while  the  assurance  of  permanence  in  office 
during  good  behavior  has  resulted  in  the  best  and 
most  reliable  work  being  obtained. 


r  2  INTROD  UCTION. 

We  will  show  that 

THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT 

has  not  by  any  means  been  idle.  The  appropria- 
tions of  Congress  have  been  expended  advanta- 
geously and  with  excellent  discrimination,  and  to-day 
the  guns  and  projectiles  manufactured  in  this  coun- 
try compare  favorably  with  those  of  Europe. 
Through  the  systematic  work  of 

THE   NAVY   DEPARTMENT, 

a  navy  is  being  rapidly  created  which  will  be  a  credit 
to  the  United  States.  Had  not  the  secretary  been 
hampered  by  the  condition  of  things  in  the  depart- 
ment when  he  entered  the  office,  more  would  have 
been  accomplished ;  but  the  work  achieved  thus  far 
inspires  hope  and  confidence  in  the  mind  of  all 
patriotic  Americans. 

A   pronounced    and   decided    advance   has   been 
made  in 

THE    INTERIOR   DEPARTMENT, 

particularly  in  the  general  land  office,  through 
which  agency  there  have  been  redeemed,  from  the 
hands  of  jobbers  and  speculators,  millions  of  acres 
that  are  now  restored  to  the  public  domain,  and  will 
in  the  course  of  time  be  homes  for  coming  genera- 
tions. In  the  Indian  Bureau,  where  good  manage- 
ment and  economy  are  the  order  of  the  day,  and  in 


INTROD  UCTION.  \  3 

the  Bureau  of  Pensions,  Patents,  and  Education,  etc., 
an  equally  gratifying  state  of  things  exists. 

THE    POST-OFFICE   DEPARTMENT 

presents  a  remarkable  increase  in  the  facilities  fof 
delivering  mails,  a  great  economy  in  the  general 
management  of  the  department,  a  reduction  in  the 
rates  of  postage,  and  more  rapid  and  certain  delivery 
of  all  mail  matter. 

There  has  also  been  a  great  and  marked  improve- 
ment in  the  very  important  work  of 

THE    DEPARTMENT   OF   JUSTICE, 

under  the  able  and  experienced  management  of  the 
attorney-general.  There  has  been  a  clearing-off  of 

the  accumulated  work  on  hand,  and  special  attention 

/ 

is  being  paid  to  the  important  matter  of  pardons, 
every  case  of  which  receives,  in  addition,  the  careful 
consideration  of  the  President  himself. 

The  farmers  of  our  land  have  reason  to  feel  grate- 
ful for  the  work  of 

j. 

THE  DEPARTMENT   OF   AGRICULTURE, 

which  has  done  so  much  for  the  great  practical  in- 
terests of  the  country. 

The  introduction  of  new  opportunities  for  the  in- 
crease of  our  agricultural  resources  will  be  fully 
shown  in  the  account  of  this  department. 


!  4  IN  TROD  UCTION. 

Under  its  zealous,  capable,  and  experienced  chief, 

THE    DEPARTMENT   OF   LABOR 

is  rendering  incalculable  benefit  to  this  nation  at 
large.  This  is  additional  evidence  that  no  point  is 
overlooked,  under  the  present  administration,  that 
will  benefit  our  people. 

THE   CIVIL   SERVICE   COMMISSION 

is  engaged  in  one  of  the  most  difficult  tasks  ever 
attempted  in  connection  with  the  administration  of 
any  government.  The  patience  and  perseverance  of 
the  commissioners  deserve  all  praise,  and  the  result 
of  their  labors  will  convince  our  readers  of  the  really 
wonderful  progress  already  secured,  cavillers  notwith- 
standing. 

With  such  a  record  as  the  above,  is  it  not  reason- 
able to  believe  that  the  independent  thinker  and  non- 
partisan  voter  will  unite  with  the  Democratic  party  to 
secure  a  perpetuation  of  so  satisfactory  a  condition 
of  things  ?  With  Grover  Cleveland  at  the  helm  of 
the  ship  of  state,  during  the  next  four  years,  we  may 
look  forward  to  broad,  liberal,  and  enlightened  tariff 
reform  measures,  to  comprehensive  and  successful 
financial  policies,  and  to  marked  progress  and  effi- 
ciency in  the  merit  service  of  the  United  States. 

No  man  stands  higher  to-day  in  the  peerage  of 
public  esteem  and  affection  than  Grover  Cleveland, 


INTRO  D  UCTION. 


and  all  true  patriots  must  earnestly  desire  to  see  him 
for  another  term  occupy  the  exalted  position  of  the 
ruler  of  the  destinies  of  the  greatest  nation  on  the 
face  of  the  earth,  in  which  he  now  figures  so  credit- 
ably and  honorably. 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


CHAPTER   I. 

CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS. 

THAT  the  President  of  'the  United  States  occupies 
the  highest  position  among-  the  rulers  of  the  world 
cannot  be  denied.  When  we  take  into  considera- 
tion the  enormous  extent  of  territory,  the  large 
and  intelligent  population,  and  the  varied  national- 
ities represented  in  this  country,  this  fact  must  be  ad- 
mitted. While  the  Queen  of  England  and  Empress 
of  India  and  the.  Czar  of  Russia  govern  millions 
who  neither  know  nor  care  as  to  the  personality  of 
their  ruler,  the  sixty  millions  of  our  citizens  are  all 
interested  to  know  of  Grover  Cleveland.  For  that 
reason  a  sketch  of  his  ancestry  and  early  life  is 
here  presented,  with  the  view  of  supplying  informa- 
tion from  authentic  sources  and  in  a  popular  form 
for  the  use  of  the  people. 

In  1635,  Moses  Cleveland  came  to  America  from 
Ipswich,  Suffolk  County,  in  England ;  he  died  in 
Woburn,  Mass.,  January  9,  1701,  and  in  the  old 
graveyard  of  that  town  are  still  standing  head- 
stones of  English  slate  which  indicate  the  resting- 
place  of  Aaron  Cleveland,  the  second  son  of  Moses, 
and  the  great-grandfather  of  the  President.  He 

17 


1 8  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

was  one  of  the  early  opponents  of  slavery,  and  will 
long  be  remembered  as  having-  introduced  a  bill  in 
the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Connecticut  for  its 
abolition.  He  studied  divinity  and  became  a  Con- 
gregational minister,  and  died  in  New  Haven,  1815. 
William,  the  -second  son  of  Aaron  Cleveland,  and 
the  grandfather  of  the  President,  was  a  practical 
silversmith  at  Beacon  Hill,  near  Norwich,  Conn. ; 
he  retired  from  business  and  moved  to  New  York 
State,  dying  at  Black  Rock,  in  1857. 

Richard  F.  Cleveland,  the  second  son  of  William, 
and  father  of  the  President,  was  born  in  Norwich, 
Conn.,  1804.  He  graduated  at  Yale  College  in 
1824,  locating  in  Baltimore  as  a  teacher,  and  while 
engaged  in  his  duties  pursued  his  •  studies  for  the 
ministry.  In  1828,  he  was  ordained  a  Presbyterian 
minister  in  Windham,  near  Norwich.  The  following 
year  he  married  the  daughter  of  Abner  Neal  of 
Baltimore,  and  later  on  settled  at  Caldwell,  N.  J. 
Thence  he  removed  to  Fayetteville,  N.  Y.,  in  1841, 
and  in  1847  ne  was  appointed  secretary  of  the 
Home  Missionary  Society.  Six  years  afterwards  he 
was  installed  at  Holland  Patent,  where  he  died 
October  i,  1853,  in  his  fiftieth  year.  Mrs.  Cleve- 
land, mother  of  the  President,  died  in  the  same 
place,  July  19,  1882. 

Grover  Cleveland  was  born  in  Caldwell,  N.  J., 
March  18,  1837.  The  house,  a  small,  unpretend- 
ing cottage,  still  remains,  and  it  has  attracted 
many  visitors  to  Caldwell,  from  its  connection  with 
the  childhood  of  the  President.  The  father,  grand- 
father, and  great-grandfather  of  the  President  were 
natives  of  Connecticut. 


CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS.  jg 

When  Grover  Cleveland  was  five  years  of  age, 
his  father  became  pastor  of  a  church  in  Fayetteville, 
JNL  Y.,  and  there  the  son  attended  school  and  was 
for  a  time  a  clerk  in  a  country  store,  thus  grow- 
ing up  among  the  people  as  one  of  themselves. 
In  the  character  of  the  President  there  is  evidence 
of  the  advantages  secured  by  an  intermingling  of 
the  old  Puritan  stock  with  that  of  the  Cavaliers 
of  Maryland.  While  the  family  resided  in  Clinton, 
the  seat  of  Hamilton  College,  he  continued  his 
preparations  for  entering  college.  His  father's 
health  not  being  satisfactory,  another  removal  was 
made  to  Holland  Patent,  where  the  sudden  decease 
of  the  elder  Cleveland  changed  the  future  life  of  the 
son.  William,  an  elder  brother,  occupied  a  respon- 
sible position  as  instructor  in  the  Institution  for  the 
Blind  in  New  York  City,  and,  although  but  sixteen 
years  of  age,  Grover  also  obtained  employment, 
through  the  influence  of  Augustus  Schell,  formerly 
collector  of  that  port.  In  this  position  the  young 
man  did  his  duty  with  faithfulness,  and  it  is 
doubtless  due  to  this  experience  with  the  blind 
that  the  President  possesses  a  patience  and  perse- 
verance for  which  he  has  universal  credit.  After 
some  time  spent  in  New  York,  he  determined  to  go 
West ;  but  an  interview  with  his  uncle,  Lewis  F. 
Allen,  changed  his  plans,  and,  through  the  sugges- 
tions and  advice  of  Mr.  Allen,  he  located  in  Buffalo, 
entering  the  law  office  of  Rogers,  Bowen  &  Rogers, 
as  an  office  boy,  upon  a  salary  of  four  dollars  a 
week,  and  walking  from  his  uncle's  house,  two  miles 
from  the  office,  in  all  weathers.  It  was  a  position 
which,  in  itself,  required  detail,  and  Grover  Cleve- 


20  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

land  soon  indicated  his  natural  tendency  to  system 
and  order,  an  experience  which  has  largely  facili- 
tated him  in  the  control  and  management  of  the 
enormous  amount  of  business  which  now  falls  to 
him  to  supervise  and  complete.  He  was  a  hard 
worker,  studied  his  profession  carefully  in  all  his 
spare  time,  and  progressed  so  rapidly  as  to  attract 
the  attention  of  his  employers.  After  four  years' 
hard  work  he  became  managing  clerk. 

It  is  stated  by  those  who  knew  Grover  Cleveland 
at  this  period  of  his  life  that  he  won  success  by  his 
industry,  courage,  and  honesty.  He  was  thorough 
in  all  he  undertook,  and,  once  his  convictions  were 
formed  upon  what  he  believed  to  be  reliable  data, 
nothing  could  change  them.  In  1859,  when  he  was 
in  his  twenty-second  year,  he  completed  his  legal 
studies,  passed  the  necessary  examinations,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  It  was  at  this  period  in  his 
life  that  he  adopted  a  rule  to  complete  every  day's 
work  so  that  it  would  not  have  to  be  done  again, 
and  the  late  hours  kept  by  the  President  at  his  desk 
in  the  executive  mansion  bear  testimony  to  the  value 
of  a  plan  which  he  still  adheres  to. 

During  his  connection  with  the  bar  at  Buffalo,  he 
was  intrusted  with  some  important  cases,  which  were 
so  successfully  conducted  that  he  was  at  once  recog- 
nized as  a  rising  man  in  his  profession.  On  January 
i,  1863,  Grover  Cleveland  was  appointed  assistant 
district  attorney  of  Erie  County.  This  position  was 
a  close  test  of  his  abilities,  and  the  universally  ex- 
pressed opinion  of  all  who  knew  him  was  that  in 
that  office  he  did  an  amount  of  work  seldom  accom- 
plished. He  still  maintained  his  resolution  to  com- 


CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS.  21 

plete  the  day's  duties,  and  often,  when  it  became 
necessary,  could  be  found  busy  till  an  early  hour .  in 
the  morning.  During  his  occupation  of  the  office, 
nearly  the  entire  range  of  duties  fell  upon  his 
shoulders ;  it  was  just  the  training  he  needed,  and 
he  went  into  it  with  all  the  zeal  of  youthful  aspira- 
tions. He  was  in  attendance  at  all  the  grand  jury 
meetings  during  his  three-years  term  of  office,  and 
presented  in  full  a  large  majority  of  the  cases. 
However,  before  the  three  years  had  elapsed,  the 
people  of  Buffalo  were  so  well  satisfied  with  the 
colors  of  Grover  Cleveland  that  he  was  unanimously 
nominated  for  district  attorney  by  the  Democrats 
of  Buffalo,  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine,  but  was  beaten 
by  his  intimate  personal  friend,  Lyman  K.  Bass,  with 
whom  he  afterwards  formed  a  law  partnership  —  in 
1866.  Mr.  Cleveland  formed  a  partnership  with  the 
late  mayor  of  Buffalo,  I.  V.  Vanderpoel,  which 
lasted  till  1869,  when  he  joined  the  firm  of  Laning, 
Cleveland  .&  Folsom.  In  1870  the  friends  of 
Grover  Cleveland  suggested  his  name  as  candidate 
for  the  office  of  sheriff,  and,  without  any  effort  on 
his  part,  he  received  the  unanimous  Vote  of  the 
Democratic  party,  and  was  elected  for  three  years. 
The  office  of  sheriff  is  the  most  important  executive 
office  in  the  county,  under  the  system  in  the  State 
of  New  York.  The  duties  of  this  position  were 
filled  by  Mr.  Cleveland  with  the  same  attention  and 
business-like  fidelity  that  he  had  always  shown  in  such 
positions  as  he  had  held  either  in  public  or  private 
life.  In  this,  the  first  important  executive  position 
which  he  had  filled,  he  did  justice  to  himself  and  to 
those  whose  confidence  he  had  secured,  and  by 


22  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

whom  he  was  elected.  While  holding  this  important 
office,  Grover  Cleveland's  habits  were  simple  and 
unassuming,  the  fees  of  the  sheriff's  office  were 
sufficiently  large  to  admit  of  saving  some  money, 
and,  had  he  been  ambitious  in  that  direction,  he  could 
have  been  a  rich  man. 

At  the  expiration  of  his  official  term  as  sheriff,  in 
1873,  he  became  a  member  of  the  firm  of  Messrs. 
Bass,  Cleveland,  and  Bissell,  with  Lyman  K.  Bass 
and  Wilson  S.  Bissell  as  associates.  This  was  a 
strong  and  popular  firm,  and  commanded  a  large 
and  lucrative  practice.  In  1881  a  new  firm  was 
formed,  Mr.  George  J.  Sicard  being  admitted  as  a 
partner  under  the  firm  name  of  Cleveland,  Bissell 
&  Sicard,  which  still  exists.  It  was  in  this  position 
that  Mr.  Cleveland  secured  a  permanent  reputa- 
tion in  that  section  of  the  State  of  New  York  for 
legal  acumen  and  intellectual  honesty.  His  man- 
agement of  cases  was  distinguished  by  sound  views, 
direct  simple  logic,  and  a  thorough  mastery  of  all 
their  intricacies,  which  secured  for  him  the  respect 
of. his  own  profession  and  the  admiration  of  the 
public.  The'se  qualities,  combined  with  the  fidelity 
and  independence  of  his  official  action,  naturally 
secured  for  him  the  general  respect  and  esteem  of 
his  fellow-citizens.  The  best  evidence  of  this  are 
the  numerous  statements  that  have  appeared  in  type, 
voluntarily  contributed  by  citizens  of  western  New 
York. 

Judge  George  W.  Clinton,  the  son  of  Governor 
De  Witt  Clinton,  and  vice-chancellor  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  New  York,  chief  judge  of  the  Superior  Court, 
before  whom  Grover  Cleveland  frequently  appeared, 


CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS.  2$ 

says  of  him :  "As  a  lawyer  he  was  known  both  as 
a  counsellor  and  an  advocate,  and  he  often  appeared 
before  a  jury.  In  his  jury  addresses  he  never  fired 
over  the  heads  of  the  jury  in  rhetorical  eloquence. 
He  addressed  himself  to  them  directly,  as  an  honest, 
sensible  man  speaking  to  his  fellows,  and  he  won 
his  verdicts  by  his  close  and  full  argument,  and 
his  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the  evidence  in  the 
case.  He  was  strictly  honorable,  and  never  en- 
deavored to  take  petty  advantages  of  the  opposing 
counsel  or  of  the  jury.  So  keen  was  his  sense  of 
honor  and  justice  that  it  would  have  gone  against 
the  grain  of  his  character  to  have  tried  to  mislead  a 
jury  if  justice  was  opposed  to  him.  I  certainly  never 
knew  him  to  make  the  effort.  When  he  began 
practice  his  reputation  as  a  lawyer  was  respectable. 
It  rose  gradually  among  the  profession  until  at  the 
time  he  became  mayor  he  can  truthfully  be  said 
to  have  been  eminent  at  the  bar  of  Erie  County." 

Mr.  Milburn,  a  well  known  lawyer  of  Buffalo, 
states  as  follows  in  reference  to  Mr.  Cleveland : 
"  He  is  a  fine  lawyer.  He  is  incapable  of  wilful 
wrong,  and  nothing  on  earth  could  sweep  him  from 
his  conviction  of  duty.  That  he  is  thoroughly 
honest  cannot  be  questioned,  and  he  has  always  been 
regarded  as  an  able  and  safe  man  in  every  relation  of 
life."  Mr.  James  N.  Matthews,  editor  of  the  leading 
Republican  paper  in  Buffalo,  utters  the  same  senti- 
ments:  "I  know  of  no  Democrat  better  equipped 
for  the  position  for  which  he  has  been  named  than 
Grover  Cleveland.  He  is  an  able,  honest,  and  incor- 
ruptible man.  He  is  self-reliant,  and  has  excellent 
judgment.  He  has  long  stood  in  the  front  rank 


24  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET, 

with  the  very  leaders  of  thought  and  action  in  this 
part  of  New  York."  At  this  time,  1881,  there  was 
a  strong  revolt  against  the  management  of  the  muni- 
cipal affairs  of  the  city  of  Buffalo,  and  in  this  condi- 
tion of  affairs  the  old  party  lines  were  to  a  certain 
extent  disorganized.  It  had  been  badly  ruled  by  a 
combination  of  Republican  managers,  and  many 
voters  took  exceptions  to  an  extension  of  this  fraud 
and  mismanagement.  The  city  was  ring-ridden,  its 
revenues  were  stolen  or  wasted,  and  no"  mayor  had 
been  found,  for  many  years,  who  possessed  the  cour- 
age and  ability  to  attack  these  abuses.  To  secure 
such  a  mayor  was  no  easy  task.  There  were  many 
who  were  profuse  in  their  promises,  but  such  pledges 
had  been  so  often  broken  that  the  citizens  intended 
that  no  one  should  be  promoted  to  the  place  who 
could  not  give  good  security  by  means  of  an  unsul- 
lied reputation  and  a  good  record.  At  this  time  the 
Democratic  party  was  the  party  of  reform,  and 
Grover  Cleveland  participated  in  a  movement  which 
he  believed  to  be  just  and  right.  As  sheriff  of  Erie 
County,  he  secured  administrative  reform,  and  the 
respect  he  received  from  his  fellow-citizens  on  retir- 
ing from  that  office  is  the  best  testimony  to  his  suc- 
cess. A  candidate  for  mayor  was  needed  whose 
honesty  should  be  unimpeachable,  and  whose  cour- 
age would  enable  him  to  stem  the  torrent  of  politi- 
cal corruption.  The  people  turned  to  Grover  Cleve- 
land as  the  man  for  the  occasion.  At  first  he  declined ; 
he  did  not  desire  the  nomination,  but  suggested  the 
names  of  several  prominent  Democratic  citizens  as 
far  more  available  than  himself  for  the  position. 
However,  the  strong  pressure  brought  to  bear  by 


CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS.  25 

some  of  the  best  men  in  Buffalo  at  last  convinced 
him  of  the  importance  of  his  acceptance  of  the  nom- 
ination, and  he  did  so.  There  can  be  no  question 
but  that  in  this  case  the  office  sought  the  man.  At 
the  Buffalo  Democratic  City  Convention  in  1881,  in 
accepting  the  nomination,  Grover  Cleveland  placed 
himself  upon  a  platform  which  appeals  to-day  with 
equal  force  to  the  entire  voting  population  of  these 
United  States.  He  said,  "  Gentlemen  of  the  Conven- 
tion, I  am  informed  that  you  have  bestowed  upon 
me  the  nomination  for  the  office  of  mayor.  It  cer- 
tainly is  a  great  honor  to  be  thought  fit  to  be  the 
chief  officer  of  a  great  and  prosperous  city  like  ours, 
having  such  important  and  varied  interests.  I 
hoped  that  your  choice  might  fall  upon  some  other 
and  more  worthy  member  of  the  city  Democracy,  for 
personal  and  private  considerations  have  made  the 
question  of  acceptance  on  my  part  a  difficult  one. 
But  because  I  am  a  Democrat  and  because  I  think 
no  one  has  a  right  at  this  time  of  all  others  to  con- 
sult his  own  inclinations  as  against  the  call  of  his 
party  and  fellow-citizens,  and  hoping  that  I  may  be 
of  use  to  you  in  your  efforts  to  inaugurate  a  better 
rule  in  municipal  affairs,  I  accept  the  nomination 
tendered  to  me.  I  believe  much  can  be  done  to  re- 
lieve our  citizens  from  their  present  load  of  taxation, 
and  that  a  more  rigid  scrutiny  of  all  public  expendi- 
tures will  result  in  a  great  saving  to  the  community. 
I  also  believe  that  some  extravagances  in  our  city 
government  may  be  corrected  without  injury  to  the 
public  service.  There  is,  or  there  should  be,  no 
reason  why  the  affairs  of  our  city  should  not  be 
managed  with  the  same  care  and  the  same  economy 


26  THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 

as  private  interests.  And  when  we  consider  that 
public  officials  are  the  trustees  of  the  people,  and 
hold  their  places  and  exercise  their  powers  for  the 
benefit  of  the  people,  there  should  be  no  higher  in- 
ducement to  a  faithful  and  honest  discharge  of  pub- 
lic duty. 

"  These  are  very  old  truths  ;  but  I  cannot  forbear 
to  speak  in  this  strain  to-day,  because  I  believe  the 
time  has  come  when  the  people  loudly  demand  that 
these  principles  shall  be  sincerely,  and  without  men- 
tal reservation,  adopted  as  a  rule  of  conduct.  And 
I  am  assured  that  the  result  of  the  campaign  upon 
which  we  enter  to-day  will  demonstrate  that  the 
citizens  of  Buffalo  will  not  tolerate  the  man  or  the 
party  who  has  been  unfaithful  to  public  trusts.  I 
say  these  things  to  a  convention  of  Democrats, 
because  I  know  that  the  grand  old  party  is  honest, 
and  they  cannot  be  unwelcome  to  you.  Let  us, 
then,  in  all  sincerity,  promise  the  people  an  improve- 
ment in  our  municipal  affairs,  and,  if  the  opportunity 
is  offered  to  us,  as  it  surely  will  be,  let  us  faithfully 
keep  that  promise.  By  this  means,  and  by  this 
means  alone,  can  our  success  rest  upon  a  firm  foun- 
dation, and  our  party  ascendancy  be  permanently 
assured.  Our  opponents  will  wa^e  a  bitter  and 
determined  warfare;  but,  with  united  and  hearty 
effort,  we  shall  achieve  a  victory  for  our  entire 
ticket.  And  at  this  day,  and  with  my  record  before 
you,  I  trust  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  pledge  to 
you  my  mcfst  earnest  endeavors  to  bring  about  this 
result;  and,  if  elected  to  the  position  for  which  you 
have  nominated  me,  I  shall  do  my  whole  duty  to 
the  party,  but  none  the  less,  I  hope,  to  the  citizens 
of  Buffalo." 


CLEVELAND'S  EARLY  DAYS.  2/ 

The  result  of  such  an  address  as  this  may  easily 
be  imagined.  Speaking,  as  it  did,  to  the  sound,  prac- 
tical common-sense  of  those  who  listened  to  it,  the 
effect  \vas  like  magic.  Every  independent  reform 
voter  felt  that  his  own  views  would  be  carried  out 
to  the  best  interests  of  the  city  of  Buffalo.  The 
truth  of  every  word  uttered  by  Grover  Cleveland 
was  at  once  admitted,  and,  up  to  this  time,  not  even 
his  bitterest  foe  has  dared  to  question  the  perfect 
honesty  of  his  opinions.  No  better  evidence  of  the 
non-partisan  feeling  in  Buffalo  can  be  produced 
than  the  following,  ^rom  a  leading  editorial  in  the 
Buffalo  Express,  a  well  known  and  prominent 
Republican  paper,  —  "The  Man  for  Mayor."  "  Cir- 
cumstances seem  at  last  to  have  brought  to  the 
front  the  right  man  for  this  great  place,  and  it  only 
remains  to  be  seen  whether  the  people  will  have 
wisdom  enough  to  put  him  in  it.  We  know  Grover 
Cleveland.  Nearly  all  of  his  fellow-citizens  are 
aware  of  his  distinguished  abilities  and  reputation 
as  a  lawyer,  of  his  great  personal  worth,  of  his 
unswerving  uprightness,  and  of  his  high  moral  cour- 
age. But  ive  know  something  more  than  all  this. 
It  has  happened  to  us  to  have  personal  experience 
of  that  sleepless  vigilance,  that  tireless  devotion, 
that  singular  penetration,  and  that  broad  good  judg- 
ment which  Mr.  Cleveland  has  always  displayed  in 
the  interest  of  his  clients,  and  from  which  so  many 
have  reaped  the  reward  of  a  righteous  verdict.  If 
he  is  mayor,  the  city  will  be  to  him  as  his  client, — 
as  a  client  standing  more  sorely  in  need  of  all  his 
best  endeavors  than  any  one  he  ever  served 
before, —  and  woe  would  be  to  the  man  that  should 


28  THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 

attempt  to  rob  or  otherwise  wrong  her."  What 
better  statement  can  be  put  before  the  people  of 
the  United  States  than  the  evidence  that  this  hon- 
esty of  purpose,  this  decision  of  character,  this  care 
for  the  public  welfare,  has  consistently  been  the  aim 
of  Grover  Cleveland,  as  mayor  of  Buffalo,  Governor 
of  the  Empire  State,  and  President  of  the  United 
States ! 


'      ^S.   tj«— J^a    — ->)    ",     ._-^_-_i.TSkN'?T^    »\V^ 


CHAPTER  II. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND  AS  MAYOR. 

REFORM  was  the  watchword  which  elected  Mr. 
Cleveland  mayor  of  the  city  of  Buffalo.  This  election 
was  in  itself  an  almost  unparalleled  triumph,  demon- 
strating the  confidence  which  the  people  had  in  his 
integrity,  and  his  special  fitness  to  carry  out  the 
needed  reforms  in  the  city  government,  and  it 
settled  the  issue  of  the  hour,  that  it  was  possible  to 
secure  by  a  popular  election  that  kind  of  integrity 
and  sagacity  that  would  administer  the  people's 
affairs  with  the  honesty  and  discretion  that  was  nec- 
essary to  good  government.  Upon  his  inauguration 
as  mayor,  he  took  occasion  immediately  to  reiterate 
the  principles  of  action  which  he  had  affirmed  in  his 
speech  accepting  the  nomination.  So  soon  as  he 
was  elected,  he  devoted  his  time  to  a  careful  study 
of  the  departments  of  the  city  government,  and  he 
made  it  clear,  too,  that  in  all  of  these  and  in  all  sub- 
ordinate positions  he  was  firmly  determined  that  the 
principles  he  had  laid  down  for  himself  should  be 
implicitly  obeyed  by  others.  In  his  inaugural  mes- 
sage to  the  common  council  of  Buffalo,  on  January 
2,  1882,  he  set  forth  these  principles  in  the  following 
vigorous  and  direct  language  :  — 

29 


jo  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

To  THE  HONORABLE  THE  COMMON  COUNCIL  OF  THE  CITY  OF 

BUFFALO. 

In  presenting  to  you  my  first  official  communication,  I  am  by 
no  means  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  I  address  a  body  many  of 
the  members  of  which  have  had  quite  a  large  experience  in 
municipal  affairs,  and  which  is  directly  charged,  more  than  any 
other  instrumentality,  with  the  management  of  the  government 
of  the  city,  and  the  protection  of  the  interest  of  all  the  people 
within  its 'limits.  This  condition  of  things  creates  grave  respon- 
sibilities, which  I  have  no  doubt  you  fully  appreciate.  It  may 
not  be  amiss,  however,  to  remind  you  that  our  fellow-citizens, 
just  at  this  time,  are  particularly  watchful  of  those  in  whose 
hands  they  have  placed  the  administration  of  the  city  govern- 
ment, and  demand  of  them  the  most  watchful  care  and  con- 
scientious economy.  We  hold  the  money  of  the  people  in  our 
hands,  to  be  used  for  their  purposes,  and  to  further  their  inter- 
ests as  members  of  the  municipality ;  and  it  is  quite  apparent 
that,  when  any  part  of  the  ftinds  which  the  taxpayers  have  thus 
intrusted  us  are  diverted  to  other  purposes,  or  when  by  design 
or  neglect  we  allow  a  greater  sum  to  be  applied  to  any  munici- 
pal purpose  than  is  necessary,  we  have  to  that  extent  violated 
our  duty.  There  surely  is  no  difference  in  his  duties  and  obli- 
gations whether  a  person  is  intrusted  with  the  money  of  one 
man  .or  many.  And  yet  it  sometimes  appears  as  though  the 
office-holder  assumes  that  a  different  rule  of  fidelity  prevails 
between  him  and  the  taxpayer  than  that  which  should  regulate 
his  conduct  when  as  an  individual  he  holds  the  money  of  his 
neighbor. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  successful  and  faithful  administration 
of  the  government  of  our  city  may  be  accomplished  by  con- 
stantly bearing  in  mind  that  we  are  the  trustees  and  agents  of 
our  fellow-citizens,  holding  their  funds  in  sacred  trust,  to  be 
expended  for  their  benefit ;  that  we  should  at  all  times  be  pre- 
pared to  render  an  honest  account  of  them,  touching  the  man- 
ner of  their  expenditure,  and  that  the  affairs  of  the  city  should 
be  conducted,  as  far  as  possible,  upon  the  same  principles  as  a 
good  business  man  manages  his  private  concerns.  And  I 
perhaps  should  do  no  less  then  than  to  assure  your  honorable 
body  that,  so  far  as  it  is  in  my  power,  I  shall  be  glad  to  coop- 
erate with  you  in  securing  the  faithful  performance  of  official 
duty  in  every  department  of  the  city  government. 


GROVE R   CLEVELAND  AS  MAYOR.  gj 

It  was  at  the  time  when  Grover  Cleveland  was 
elected  mayor  of  Buffalo  that  the  subject  of  civil 
service  reform  commenced  to  attract  serious  atten- 
tion, and  it  can  be  stated  with  truth  that  he  was  one 
of  the  first  to  give  it  practical  use.  In  his  inaugural 
message,  referring  to  the  office  of  city  auditor,  he 
said,  —  "It  seems  to  me  that  the  duties  which 
should  be  performed  by  this  officer  have  been 
entirely  misapprehended.  I  understand  that  it  has 
been  supposed  that  he  does  all  that  is  required  of 
him  when  he  tests  the  correctness  of  the  extensions 
and  footings  of  an  account  presented  to  him,  copies 
the  same  in  a  book,  and  audits  the  same  as  charged, 
if  the  extensions  and  footings  are  found  correct. 
This  work  is  certainly  not  difficult,  and  might  well 
be  done  by  a  lad  but  slightly  acquainted  with  figures. 
The  charter  requires  that  this  officer  '  shall  examine 
and  report  upon  all  unliquidated  claims  against  the 
city,  before  the  same  shall  be  audited  by  the  common 
council.'  Is  it  not  very  plain  that  the  examination 
of  a  claim  means  something  more  than  the  footing 
of  the  account  by  which  that  claim  is  represented  ? 
And  is  it  not  equally  plain  that  the  report  provided 
for  includes  more  than  the  approval  of  all  accounts 
which  on  their  face  appear  correct?  There  is  no 
question  but  that  he  should  inquire  into  the  merits 
of  the  claims  presented  to  him,  and  he  should  be 
fitted  to  do  so  by  a  familiarity  with  the  value  of  the 
articles  and  services  embodied  in  the  accounts.  In 
this  way,  he  may  protect  the  interest  of  the  city; 
otherwise,  his  services  are  worse  than  useless,  so  far 
as  his  action  is  relied  upon."  As  regards  the  duties 
of  officials,  Mayor  Cleveland  was  equally  strong  and 


32  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

definite.  "  I  am  utterly  unable  to  discover  any  valid 
reason  why  the  city  offices  should  be  closed,  and  the 
employes  released  from  their  duties,  at  the  early 
hour  in  the  day  which  seems  now  to  be  regarded  as 
the  limit  of  a  day's  work.  I  am  sure  no  man  would 
think  an  active  private  business  was  well  attended 
to  if  he  and  all  his  employes  ceased  work  at  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  The  salaries  paid  by  the 
city,  to  its  officers  and  their  employes,  entitle  it  to 
a  fair  day's  work.  Besides,  these  offices  are  for  the 
transaction  of  public  business,  and  the  convenience 
of  all  our  citizens  should  be  consulted  in  respect  to 
the  time  during  which  they  should  remain  open. 

"  I  suggest  the  passage  of  an  ordinance  prescribing 
such  hours  for  the  opening  and  closing  of  the  city 
offices  as  shall  subserve  the  public  convenience.  It 
would  be  very  desirable  if  some  means  could  be 
devised  to  stop  the  practice,  so  prevalent  among 
our  city  employes,  of  selling  or  assigning  in  advance 
their  claims  against  the  city  for  services  to  be  ren- 
dered. The  ruinous  discounts  charged  and  allowed 
greatly  diminish  the  reward  of  their  labors.  In  many 
cases,  habits  of  improvidence  and  carelessness  are 
engendered,  and  in  all  cases  this  hawking  and  traf- 
ficking in  claims  against  the  city  presents  -a  humili- 
ating spectacle.  In  conclusion,  I  desire  to  disclaim 
any  dictation  as  to  the  performance  of  your  duties. 
I  recognize  fully  the  fact  that  with  you  rests  the 
responsibility  of  all  legislation  which  touches  the 
prosperity  of  the  city  and  the  correction  of  abuses. 
I  do  not  arrogate  to  myself  any  great  familiarity  with 
municipal  affairs,  nor  any  superior  knowledge  of 
the  city's  needs.  I  speak  to  you  not  only  as  the 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  MAYOR. 


33 


chief  executive  officer  of  the  city,  but  as  a  citizen 
proud  of  its  progress  and  commanding"  position.  In 
this  spirit  the  suggestions  contained  herein  are  made. 
If  you  deem  them  worthy  of  consideration,  I  shall 
still  be  anxious  to  aid  the  adoption  and  enforcement 
of  any  measures  which  you  may  inaugurate  looking 
to  the  advancement  of  the  interests  of  the  city  and 
the  welfare  of  its  inhabitants." 

These  words  afforded  ample  evidence  to  the 
fellow-citizens  of  Grover  Cleveland  that  in  his 
election  they  had  secured  the  purification  of  the 
municipal  government,  the  hope  of  which  had  con- 
tributed so  much  to  the  great  majority  by  which  the 
election  had  been  carried.  His  views  regarding  the 
freedom  of  the  citizens  are  best  understood  from 
the  remarks  made  at  a  mass  meeting  of  Irish-Amer- 
ican citizens,  at  which  Mayor  Cleveland  presided. 
He  spoke  as  follows:  "Fellow-Citizens:  This  is 
the  formal  mode  of  address  on  occasions  of  this 
kind,  but  I  think  we  seldom  realize  fully  its  meaning, 
or  how  valuable  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a  citizen.  From 
the  earliest  civilization,  to  be  a  citizen  has  been  to  be 
a  free  man,  endowed  with  certain  privileges  and 
advantages,  and  entitled  to  the  full  protection  of  the 
state.  The  defence  and  protection  of  the  personal 
rights  of  its  citizens  has  always  been  the  paramount 
and  most  important  duty  of  a  free,  enlightened 
government. 

"  And  perhaps  no  government  has  this  sacred 
trust  more  in  its  keeping  than  this,  the  best  and 
freest  of  them  all,  for  here  the  people  who  are  to  be 
protected  are  the  source  of  those  powers  which  they 
delegate  upon  the  express  compact  that  the  citizens 


34 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 


shall  be  protected.  For  this  purpose  we  choose 
those  who,  for  the  time  being,  shall  manage  the 
machinery  which  we  have  set  up  for  our  defence 
and  safety.  And  this  protection  adheres  to  us  in  all 
lands  and  places  as  an  incident  of  citizenship.  Let 
but  the  weight  of  a  sacrilegious  hand  be  put  upon 
this  sacred  thing,  and  a  great  strong  government 
springs  to  its  feet  to  avenge  the  wrong.  Thus  it  is 
that  the  native-born  American  citizen  enjoys  his 
birthrights.  But  when,  in  the  westward  march  of 
empire,  this  nation  was  founded  and  took  root,  we 
beckoned  to  the  old  world  and  invited  hither  its 
immigration,  and  provided  a  mode  by  which  those 
who  sought  a  home  among  us  might  become  our 
fellow-citizens.  They  came  by  thousands  and  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  ;  they  came  and 

Hewed  the  dark  old  woods  away, 
And  gave  the  virgin  fields  to  day. 

They  came  with  strong  sinews  and  brawny  arms  to 
aid  in  the  growth  and  progress  of  a  new  country  ; 
they  came  and  upon  our  altars  laid  their  fealty  and 
submission  ;  they  came  to  our  temples  of  justice, 
and  under  the  solemnity  of  an  oath  renounced  all 
allegiance  to  every  other  state,  potentate,  and  sover- 
eignty, and  surrendered  to  us  all  the  duty  pertaining 
to  such  allegiance.  We  have  accepted  their  fealty, 
and  invited  them  to  surrender  the  protection  of 
their  native  land. 

"  And  what  should  we  give  them  in  return  ?  Man- 
ifestly, good  faith  and  every  dictate  of  honor  demand 
that  we  give  them  the  same  liberty  and  protection 
here  and  elsewhere  which  we  vouchsafe  to  our 


G ROVER   CLEVELAA?D  AS  MAYOR. 


35 


native-born  citizens.  And  that  this  has  been 
accorded  to  them  is  the  crowning  glory  of  American 
institutions.  It  needed  not  the  statute  which  is  now 
the  law  of  the  land,  declaring  that  '  all  naturalized 
citizens  while  in  foreign  lands  are  entitled  to  and 
shall  receive  from  this  government  the  same 
protection  of  person  and  property  which  is  ac- 
corded to  native-born  citizens,'  to  voice  the  policy 
of  our  nation.  In  all  lands  where  the  semblance 
of  liberty  is  preserved,  the  right  of  a  person 
arrested  to  a  speedy  accusation  and  trial  is  or  ought 
to  be  a  fundamental  law,  as  it  is  a  rule  of  civiliza- 
tion. At  any  rate,  we  hold  it  to  be  so,  and  this  is 
one  of  the  rights  which  we  undertake  to  guarantee 
to  any  native-born  or  naturalized  citizen  of  ours, 
whether  he  be  imprisoned  by  order  of  the  Czar  of 
Russia  or  under  the  pretext  of  a  law  administered 
for  the  benefit  of  the  landed  aristocracy  of  England. 
We  do  not  claim  to  make  laws  for  other  countries, 
but  we  do  insist  that,  whatsoever  these  laws  may  be, 
they  shall,  in  the  interests  of  human  freedom  and 
the  rights  of  mankind,  so  far  as  they  involve  the 
liberty  of  our  citizens,  be  speedily  administered. 
We  have  a  right  to  say,  and  do  say,  that  mere  sus- 
picion, without  examination  or  trial,  is  not  sufficient 
to  justify  the  long  imprisonment  of  a  citizen  of 
America.  Other  nations  may  permit  their  citizens  to 
be  thus  imprisoned.  Ours  will  not.  And  this,  in 
effect,  has  been  solemnly  declared  by  statute.  We 
have  met  here  to-night  to  consider  this  subject,  and 
to  inquire  into  the  cause  and  the  reasons  and  the 
justice  of  the  imprisonment  of  certain  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  now  held  in  British  prisons  without  the 


36  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

semblance  of  a  trial  or  legal  examination.  Our 
law  declares  that  the  government  shall  act  in  such 
cases.  But  the  people  are  the  creators  of  the 
government.  The  undaunted  apostle  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  imprisoned  and  persecuted,  appealing 
centuries  ago  to  the  Roman  law  and  the  rights  of 
Roman  citizenship,  boldly  demanded,  '  Is  it  lawful 
for  you  to  secure  a  man  that  is  a  Roman  and  un- 
condemned  ?  '  So,  too,  might  we  ask,  appealing  to 
the  law  of  our  land  and  the  laws  of  civilization,  '  Is 
it  lawful  that  these,  our  fellows,  be  imprisoned,  who 
are  American  citizens  and  uncondemned  ? '  I  deem 
it  an  honor  to  be  called  upon  to  preside  at  such  a 
meeting,  and  I  thank  you  for  it."  This  frank, 
honest,  and  manly  statement  as  to  the  rights  of  our 
foreign-born  citizens  in  other  lands  secured  for  Mr. 
Cleveland  the  unswerving  attachment  of  our  Irish 
fellow-citizens,  who  have  ever  remained  his  warm 
friends. 

Grover  Cleveland  has  secured  for  himself  the 
honorable  titles  of  Veto  Mayor,  Veto  Governor,  and 
Veto  President ;  honorable  because  that  in  every 
instance  the  reasons  for  his  vetoes  were  of  such  a 
character  as  to  at  once  impress  the  good  sound  com- 
mon-sense of  the  country  that  they  were  based  on 
good  grounds,  and  were  the  only  means  by  which 
fraud  and  corruption  could  be  stamped  out  forever. 
While  the  mayor  may  have  made  some  enemies 
among  those  whose  plans  for  extravagance  were  in- 
terrupted, and  others  whose  interests  were  affected, 
yet  it  is  a  most  gratifying  fact  that  the  large  mass  of 
his  fellow-citizens  were  heartily  with  him  in  his 
efforts  to  do  the  best  in  his  power  for  the  good  of 
the  city,  without  regard  to  friend  or  foe. 


GROVE R   CLEVELAATD  AS  MAYOR. 


37 


There  were  also  many  instances  where  expendi- 
tures of  money,  right  enough  in  themselves,  were 
yet  in  direct  violation  of  the  city  charter  or  the  con- 
stitution. The  legal  and  acutely  honest  mind  of  the 
mayor  at  once  noted  these  objections,  and  never 
hesitated  to  apply  the  veto  when  necessary.  A  very 
interesting  case,  attracting  much  attention,  was  in 
connection  with  an  appropriation  which  had  passed 
the  city  council,  for  the  benefit  of  a  benevolent  in- 
stitution. The  mayor,  in  his  veto  message,  said :  — 

I  have  taxed  my  ingenuity. to  discover  a  way  to'  consist- 
ently approve  of  this  resolution,  but  have  been  unable  to  do  so. 
It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  not  only  obnoxious  to  the  provisions  of 
the  constitution  above  quoted,  but  that  it  also  violates  that  sec- 
tion of  the  charter  of  the  city  which  makes  it  a  misdemeanor 
to  appropriate  money  raised  for  one  purpose  to  any  other 
object.  Under  this  section,  I  think,  money  raised  "for  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Fourth  of  July  and  the  reception  of  distinguished 
persons "  cannot  be  devoted  to  the  observance  of  Decoration 
Day.  I  deem  the  object  of  this  appropriation  a  most  worthy 
one.  The  efforts  of  our  veteran  soldiers  to  keep  alive  the  mem- 
ory of  their  fallen  comrades  certainly  deserve  the  aid  and  en- 
couragement of  their  fellow-citizens.  We  should  all,  I  think, 
feel  it  a  duty  and  a  privilege  to  contribute  to  the  funds  neces- 
sary to  carry  out  such  a  purpose,  and  I  should  be  much  disap- 
pointed if  an  appeal  to  our  citizens  for  voluntary  subscriptions 
for  this  patriotic  object  should  be  in  vain.  ...  I  cannot  rid 
myself  of  the  idea  that  this  city  government,  in  its  relation  to 
the  taxpayers,  is  a  business  establishment,  and  that  it  is  placed 
in  our  hands  to  be  conducted  on  business  principles.  This 
theory  does  not  admit  of  our  donating  the  public  funds  in  the 
manner  contemplated  by  the  action  of  your  honorable  body. 
I  deem  it  my  duty,  therefore,  to  return  both  the  resolutions  re- 
ferred to  without  my  approval. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

In  this  connection  it  may  be  mentioned  that  the 
mayor  put  his  hand  in  his  pocket,  and  made  a  liberal 


38  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 

subscription  towards  the  expenses  of  Decoration 
Day.  As  may  well  have  been  expected,  his  adminis- 
tration of  the  government  of  the  city  of  Buffalo  upon 
business  principles  was  a  pronounced  success.  A 
very  large  amount  of  money  was  saved  to  the  voters 
under  his  management,  and  the  city  improved  in 
every  direction.  The  natural  result  of  this  success- 
ful reform  movement  on  the  part  of  Grover  Cleve- 
land was  to  turn  the  attention  of  the  people  of  the 
Empire  State  to  the  value  of  his  services,  and  in  the 
line  of  promotion  he  was  selected  as  the  proper  can- 
didate for  the  position  of  Governor  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  and  was  elected  by  nearly  two  hundred 
thousand  majority. 


THE   CAPITOL,  ALBANY,   N.Y. 


CHAPTER  III. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR. 

THE  best  evidence  as  to  the  fitness  of  Grover 
Cleveland  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  the  Empire 
State  is  the  following  panegyric  of  that  able  and 
well  known  Republican  journal  The  Buffalo  Ex- 
press: 

The  most  promising  and  prominent  of  the  possible  candi- 
dates for  Governor  of  New  York,  on  the  Democratic  side,  is  a 
man  who,  this  time  last  year,  had  hardly  been  thought  of  as  a 
candidate  for  mayor  of  Buffalo.  It  was  with  the  utmost  diffi- 
culty that  he  could  be  persuaded  to  accept  that  nomination.  He 
didn't  want  the  office.  Only  at  a  great  sacrifice  of  professional 
income  and  comfort  could  he  discharge  its  duties.  An  election 
could  not  gratify  his  ambition,  if  he  had  any,  because,  many 
years  before,  he  had  filled  a  more  lucrative  public  position,  and 
one  that  was  more  desirable  to  any  man  who  cared  to  be  an  influ- 
ential practical  politician.  He  had  no  such  desire.  But,  after 
much  importunity,  with  extreme  genuine  reluctance,  he  at  length 
yielded  his  own  preference  and  allowed  his  friends  to  nominate 
him.  He  was  elected  by  a  majority  of  three  thousand  five  hun- 
dred and  thirty,  the  largest  majority  ever  given  to  any  candidate 
for  that  office,  though  running  on  the  Democratic  ticket,  and  in 
a  city  which  at  the  same  time  gave  a  majority  of  one  thousand 
six  hundred  and  twenty-four  for  the  Republican  State  ticket,  and 
his  administration  of  the  office  has  fully  justified  the  partiality 
of  the  friends  who  insisted  upon  nominating  him,  and  vindicated 
the  good  judgment  of  the  people  who  so  powerfully  insisted  upon 
electing  him.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  in  the  first  half  of 
his  first  year  he  has  almost  revolutionized  our  municipal  govern- 

39 


40 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 


ment.  With  no  more  power  then  his  predecessors  had,  he  has 
inaugurated  reforms  heretofore  only  hoped  for,  and  corrected 
abuses  which  had  become  almost  venerable.  Accounts  against 
the  city  are  now  thoroughly  audited,  since  he  pointed  out  what 
is  required  of  an  officer  whose  duty  it  is  to  audit.  The  whole- 
some rule  of  competition  has  been  adopted  for  important  work 
hitherto  given  out  in  the  form  of  political  patronage.  So  far  as 
one  man  can,  he  sees  to  it  that  the  city  gets  the  full  value  of  its 
money.  He  knows  his  power  and  is  not  afraid  to  use  it.  He 
has  conquered  the  most  corrupt  combination  ever  formed  in  the 
council.  His  veto  messages  have  become  municipal  classics. 
Knowing  his  duty,  he  has  faithfully  performed  it,  —  with  what 
benefit  to  the  public,  can  hardly  be  overestimated. 

Statements  of  this  stamp  in  prominent  Republi- 
can journals  had  great  weight  in  the  approaching 
election  for  Governor,  and  it  is  not  at  all  surprising 
that  Grover  Cleveland  received  a  majority  of  192,854, 
being  nearly  four  times  the  majority  received  by 
either  Grant  for  President  in  1872,  or  Tilden  for 
Governor  in  1874.  The  New  York  Sun,  edited  by 
Charles  A.  Dana,  heartily  endorsed  the  nomination 
of  Cleveland,  and  editorially  said,  "  Grover  Cleveland, 
now  mayor  of  Buffalo  and  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  Governor  of  New  York,  is  a  man  -worthy  of  the 
highest  public  confidence.  No  one  can  study  the 
record  of  his  career  since  he  has  held  office  in  Buffalo, 
without  being  convinced  that  he  possesses  those 
highest  qualities  of  a  public  man,  sound  principles  of 
administrative  duty,. luminous  intelligence,  and  cour- 
age to  do  what  is  right  no  matter  who  may  be 
pleased  or  displeased  thereby.  ...  No  matter  what 
political  faith  a  man  now  prefer  to  be  called,  no  one 
can  consider  such  principles  and  sentiments  as  those 
declared  by  Mr.  Cleveland  without  feeling  that  such 
a  public  officer  is  worthy  of  the  confidence  and  sup- 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR.  4! 

port  of  the  whole  people,  and  that  the  interests  of 
the  Empire  State  will  be  entirely  safe  in  his  hands." 
The  best  evidence  of  the  sterling  honesty  and 
ability  of  Mr.  Cleveland,  of  his  determination  to  act 
justly,  without  regard  to  party,  and  his  special  atten- 
tion to  great  public  trust,  may  be  found  in  his  letter 
accepting  the  nomination,  which  we  give  herewith  in 
full,  and  beg  to  call  the  special  attention  of  all  of  our 
readers  to  its  high  tone,  dignified  utterances,  and 
yet  its  perfect  simplicity  and  easily  understood  state- 
ments, making  it  a  primer  for  the  people. 

MR.   CLEVELAND'S   LETTER. 

BUFFALO,  October  7,  1882. 
HON.  THOMAS  C.  E.  ECCLESINE,  Chairman,  etc.  : 

Dear  Sir,  I  beg  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter, 
informing  me  of  my  nomination  for  Governor  by  the  Democratic 
State  convention,  lately  held  at  the  city  of  Syracuse. 

I  accept  the  nomination  thus  tendered  to  me,  and  trust  that, 
while  I  am  gratefully  sensible  of  the  honor  conferred,  I  am  also 
properly  impressed  with  the  responsibilities  which  it  invites. 

The  platform  of  principles  adopted  by  the  convention  meets 
with  my  hearty  approval.  The  doctrines  therein  enunciated  are 
so  distinctly  and  explicitly  stated  that  their  amplification  seems 
scarcely  necessary.  If  elected  to  the  office  for  which  I  have 
been  nominated,  I  shall  endeavor  to  impress  them  upon  my  ad- 
ministration and  make  them  the  policy  of  the  State. 

Our  citizens  for  the  most  part  attach  themselves  to  one  or 
the  other  of  the  great  political  parties  ;  and  under  ordinary  cir- 
cumstances they  support  the  nominees  of  the  party  to  which 
they  profess  fealty.  It  is  quite  apparent  that  under  such  cir- 
cumstances the  primary  election  or  caucus  should  be  surrounded 
by  such  safeguards  as  will  secure  absolutely  free  and  uncon- 
trolled action.  Here  the  people  themselves  are  supposed  to 
speak ;  here  they  put  their  own  hands  to  the  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment, and  in  this  place  should  be  found  the  manifestations 
of  the  popular  will.  When  by  fraud,  intimidation,  or  any  other 
questionable  practice  the  voice  of  the  people  is  here  smothered, 


42  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

a  direct  blow  is  aimed  at  a  most  precious  right,  and  one  which 
the  law  should  be  swift  to  protect.  If  the  primary  election  is 
uncontaminated  and  fairly  conducted,  those  there  chosen  to  rep- 
resent the  people  will  go  forth  with  the  impress  of  the  people's 
will  upon  them,  and  the  benefits  and  purposes  of  a  truly  repre- 
sentative government  will  be  attained. 

Public  officers  are  the  servants  and  agents  of  the  people  to 
execute  laws  which  the  people  have  made,  and  within  the  limits 
of  a  constitution  which  they  have  established.  Hence  the  in- 
terference of  officials  of  any  degree,  and  whether  state  or  federal, 
for  the  purpose  of  thwarting  or  controlling  the  popular  wish, 
should  not  be  tolerated. 

Subordinates  in  public  place  should  be  selected  and  retained 
for  their  efficiency,  and  not  because  they  may  be  used  to  ac- 
complish partisan  ends.  The  people  have  a  right  to  demand, 
here  as  in  cases  of  private  employment,  that  their  money  be 
paid  to  those  who  will  render  the  best  service  in  return,  and 
that  the  appointment  to  and  tenure  of  such  places  should  depend 
upon  ability  and  merit.  If  the  clerks  and  assistants  in  public 
departments  were  paid  the  same  compensation  and  required  to 
do  the  same  amount  of  work  as  those  employed  in  prudently 
conducted  private  establishments,  the  anxiety  to  hold  these 
public  places  would  be  much  diminished,  and,  it  seems  to  me, 
the  cause  of  civil  service  reform  materially  aided. 

The  system  of  levying  assessments  for  partisan  purposes 
on  those  holding  office  or  place  cannot  be  too  strongly  con- 
demned. Through  the  thin  disguise  of  voluntary  contributions, 
this  is  seen  to  be  naked  extortion,  reducing  the  compensation 
which  should  be  honestly  earned,  and  swelling  a  fund  used  to 
debauch  the  people  and  defeat  the  popular  will. 

I  am  unalterably  opposed  to  the  interference  by  the  Legis- 
lature with  the  government  of  municipalities.  I  believe  in  the 
intelligence  of  the  people  when  left  to  an  honest  freedom  in 
their  choice,  and  that  when  the  citizens  of  any  section  of  the 
State  have  determined  upon  the  details  of  a  local  government 
they  should  be  left  in  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  the  same. 
The  doctrine  of  home  rule,  as  I  understand  it,  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  republican  institutions,  and  cannot  be  too 
strongly  insisted  upon. 

Corporations  are  created  by  the  law  for  certain  defined 
purposes  and  are  restricted  in  their  operations  by  specific 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR. 


43 


limitations.  Acting  within  their  legitimate  sphere,  they  should 
be  protected  ;  but  when  by  combination  or  by  the  exercise  of 
unwarranted  power  they  oppress  the  people,  the  same  authority 
which  created  should  restrain  them  and  protect  the  rights  of 
the  citizen.  The  law  lately  passed  for  the  purpose  of  adjust- 
ing the  relations  between  the  people  and  corporations  should 
be  executed  in  good  faith,  with  an  honest  design  to  effectuate 
its  objects  and  with  a  due  regard  for  the  interest  involved. 

The  laboring  classes  constitute  the  main  part  of  our  popu- 
lation. They  should  be  protected  in  their  efforts  peaceably 
to  assert  their  rights  when  endangered  by  aggregated  capital, 
and  all  statutes  on  this  subject  should  recognize  the  care  of 
the  State  for  honest  toil  and  be  framed  with  a  view  of  improv- 
ing the  condition  of  the  workingman. 

We  have  so  lately  had  a  demonstration  of  the  value  of  our 
citizen  soldiery  in  time  of  peril  that  it  seems  to  me  no  argu- 
ment is  necessary  to  prove  that  it  should  be  maintained  in 
a  state  of  efficiency,  so  that  its  usefulness  shall  not  be  impaired. 

Certain  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  our  State,  involv- 
ing the  management  of  our  canals,  are  to  be  passed  upon  at 
the  coming  election.  This  subject  affects  divers  interests  and 
of  course  gives  rise  to  opposite  opinions.  It  is  in  the  hands 
of  the  sovereign  people  for  final  settlement;  and,  as  the  ques- 
tion is  thus  removed  from  State  legislation,  any  statement  of 
my  opinion  in  regard  to  it,  at  this  time,  would,  I  think,  be  out 
of  place.  I  am  confident  that  the  people  will  intelligently 
examine  the  merits  of  the  subject  and  determine  where  the 
preponderance  of  interest  lies. 

The  expenditure  of  money  to  influence  the  action  of  the 
people  at  the  polls,  or  to  secure  legislation,  is  calculated  to 
excite  the  gravest  concern.  When  this  pernicious  agency  is 
successfully  employed,  a  representative  form  of  government 
becomes  a  sham ;  and  laws  passed  under  its  baleful  influence 
cease  to  protect,  but  are  made  the  means  by  which  the  rights 
of  the  people  are  sacrificed,  and  the  public  treasury  despoiled. 
It  is  useless  and  foolish  to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  this 
evil  exists  among  us;  and  the  party  which  leads  in  an  honest 
effort  to  return  to  better  and  purer  methods  will  receive  the 
confidence  of  our  citizens  and  secure  their  support.  It  is 
wilful  blindness  not  to  see  that  the  people  care  but  little  for 
party  obligations,  when  they  are  invoked  to  countenance  and 


44 


THE   PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 


sustain  fraudulent  and  corrupt  practices.  And  it  is  well  for 
our  country  and  for  the  purification  of  politics  that  the  people, 
at  times  fully  roused  to  danger,  remind  their  leaders  that  party 
methods  should  be  something  more  than  a  means  used  to 
answer  the  purposes  of  those  who  profit  by  political  occupation. 

The  importance  of  wise  statesmanship  in  the  management 
of  public  affairs  cannot,  I  think,  be  overestimated.  I  am 
convinced,  however,  that  the  perplexities  and  the  mystery 
often  surrounding  the  administration  of  State  concerns  grow, 
in  a  great  measure,  out  of  an  attempt  to  serve  partisan  ends 
rather  than  the  welfare  of  the  citizen. 

We  may,  I  think,  reduce  to  quite  simple  elements  the  duty 
which  public  servants  owe,  by  constantly  bearing  in  mind  that 
they  are  put  in  place  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  people,  to 
answer  their  needs  as  they  arise,  and  to  expend  for  their 
benefit  the  money  drawn  from  them  by  taxation. 

I  am  profoundly  conscious  that  the  management  of  the 
divers  interests  of  a  great  State  is  not  an  easy  matter;  but  I 
believe,  if  undertaken  in  the  proper  spirit,  all  its  real  difficulties 
will  yield  to  watchfulness  and  care. 

Yours  respectfully, 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

This  admirable  letter  of  acceptance  attracted  im- 
mediate attention,  and  the  comments  of  the  press 
on  all  sides  were  most  favorable.  The  New  York 
Herald  expressed  an  editorial  opinion  as  follows  :  — 

There  is  something  direct,  fresh,  and  wholesome  about  this 
letter  of  Mr.  Cleveland  which  encourages  one  to  hope  that  the 
era  of  young  men  has  really  come,  of  which  we  have  heard 
much  this  past  summer.  Anything  more  different  from  the  usual 
platitudes  of  the  old  war-horses,  to  which  the  public  has  been 
too  long  accustomed,  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine.  Without 
the  least  air  of  dogmatism  or  any  sniff  of  peculiar  virtue,  Mr. 
Cleveland  briefly  recalls  to  the  public  recollection  a  few  facts 
which  our  political  masters  have  for  some  years  tried  to  have 
forgotten.  For  our  own  part  we  confess  that  the  passage 
which  strikes  us  as  the  most  significant  in  the  letter  is  that  in 
which  Mr.  Cleveland  writes  :  "  I  am  convinced  that  the  per- 
plexities and  the  mystery  often  surrounding  the  administration 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR, 


45 


of  State  concerns  grow  in  a  great  measure  out  of  an  attempt 
to  serve  partisan  ends  rather  than  the  welfare  of  the  citizens. 
We  may,  I  think,  reduce  to  quite  simple  elements  the  duty 
which  public  servants  owe  by  constantly  bearing  in  mind  that 
they  are  put  in  place  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  people,  to 
answer  their  needs  as  they  arise,  and  to  expend  for  their,  bene- 
fit the  money  drawn  from  them  by  taxation." 

That  is  sound,  clear,  common-sense.  There  is  no  mystery 
or  difficulty  about  free  government,  requiring  great  statesman- 
ship or  supereminent  genius.  Free  government  means  at  bot- 
tom the  least  possible  interference  with  the  liberty  of  action  of 
the  individual.  It  is  a  hopeful  sign  in  our  politics  that  a  can- 
didate for  the  great  office  of  Governor  of  New  York  remembers 
this.  It  is  natural  that  with  this  wholesome  thought  on  his 
mind  he  should  select  for  the  topics  on  which  he  briefly  touches 
mainly  the  questions  which  concern  the  correct  ascertainment 
of  the  will  of  the  people ;  the  freedom  and  purity  of  primary 
elections,  by  which  the  people  denote  whom  they  wish  to  be 
candidates  for  office  ;  the  non-interference  by  public  officers 
and  corporations  with  the  elections,  hence  the  wrong  of  politi- 
cal assessments,  used  always  in  attempts  to  defeat  the  popular 
will  ;  the  necessity  of  local  self  government  for  the  reform  and 
purification  of  municipal  administration,  and  so  on. 

There  are  no  sounding  promises,  no  recitals  of  recondite 
statesmanlike  policies  in  this  plain,  blunt  letter  of  Mr.  Cleve- 
land. But  it  reads  to  us  like  the  letter  of  an  intelligent  Ameri- 
can who  has  thought  enough  about  free  government  to  let  him 
see  that  it  needs  in  rulers  mainly  good  sense,  honesty,  and 
courage,  and  who  has  no  nonsense  about  him. 

Upon  the  publication  of  the  letter  of  acceptance, 
public  opinion  in  the  State  of  New  York  all  went  >• 
one  way,  political  partisanship  in  a  large  measure 
disappeared  and  there  was  but  one  feeling,  to  secure 
the  election  of  the  best  man.  The  Republicans  of 
New  York,  with  Stewart  L.  Woodford  at  the  head, 
and  Independents  led  by  George  William  Curtis, 
all  united  in  the  support  of  the  reform  candidate 
for  Governor.  Thousands  of  Republicans  led  by 


46  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

the  Young  Men's  Club  of  Brooklyn  voted  for 
Cleveland,  and  he  swept  the  State  like  a  tidal  wave, 
carrying  all  before  him.  He  was  not  elected  solely 
by  his  party,  but,  as  in  his  election  for  mayor,  the 
Democratic  vote  was  supplemented  by  that  of  every 
thinking  man  having  the  interests  of  his  State  at 
heart,  without  reference  to  partisan  politics.  He 
'was  Reform  Mayor  and  Reform  Governor  and  is 
noiv  Reform  President.  Grover  Cleveland  took  his 
office  as  Governor  with  the  same  simple  manner 
that  has  always  characterized  him.  His  inaugural 
message  had  the  true  ring,  and,  being  thoroughly 
characteristic  of  the  man,  we  give  space  to  such 
portions  as  are  of  the  greatest  importance. 

THE  INAUGURAL  MESSAGE. 

EXECUTIVE  CHAMBER,  ALBANY,  January  2,  1883. 
To  THE  LEGISLATURE,  —  In  obedience  to  the  provisions  of 
the  Constitution,  which  directs  that  the  Governor  shall  commu- 
nicate to  the  Legislature,  at  every  session,  the  condition  of  the 
State,  and  recommend  such  matters  to  them  as  he  shall  judge 
expedient,  I  transmit  this,  my  first  annual  message,  with  the 
intimation  that  a  newly  elected  executive  can  hardly  be  pre- 
pared to  present  a  complete  exhibit  of  State  affairs,  or  to  submit 
in  detail  a  great  variety  of  recommendations  for  the  action  of 
the  Legislature.  .  .  . 

JUST   AND    EQUABLE    TAXATION. 

The  aggregate  receipts  of  the  State  Treasury  during  the  last 
fiscal  year,  including  a  balance  from  the  previous  year  amount- 
ing to  $5,531,858.71,  were  $17,735,761.59  ;  the  payments  during 
the  same  period  amounted  to  $13,898,198.21,  leaving  a  balance 
in  the  treasury  at  the  beginning  of  the  current  fiscal  year  of 

The  amount  received  from  taxes  on  corporations  during  the 
last  fiscal  year  was  $1,539,684.27,  being  an  increase  of 
$446,959.11  over  the  previous  year. 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS   GOVERNOR. 


47 


The  rate  of  taxation  for  the  current  fiscal  year  was  fixed  by 
the  last  Legislature  at  2^Q55  mills  on  the  dollar.  This,  it  is 
estimated,  will  yield,  on  the  present  valuation  of  property,  a 
revenue  of  $6,820,022.29. 

The  imperfection  of  our  laws  touching  the  matter  of  taxation, 
or  the  faulty  execution  of  existing  statutes  on  the  subject,  is 
glaringly  apparent. 

The  power  of  the  State  to  exact  from  the  citizen  a  part  of  his 
earnings  and  income  for  the  support  of  the  government,  it  is 
obvious,  should  be  exercised  with  absolute  fairness  and  justice. 
When  it  is  not  so  exercised,  the  people  are  oppressed.  This 
furnishes  the  highest  and  the  best  reason  why  laws  should  be 
enacted  and  executed,  which  will  subject  all  property,  as  all 
alike  need  the  protection  of  the  State,  to  an  equal  share  in  the 
burdens  of  taxation,  by  means  of  which  the  government  is 
maintained.  And  yet  it  is  notoriously  true  that  personal  prop- 
erty, not  less  remunerative  than  land  and  real  estate,  escapes  to 
a  very  great  extent  the  payment  of  its  fair  proportion  of  the 
expense  incident  to  its  protection  and  preservation  under  the 
law.  The  people  should  always  be  able  to  recognize,  with  the 
pride  and  satisfaction  which  are  the  strength  of  our  institutions, 
in  the  conduct  of  the  State  the  source  of  undiscriminating 
justice,  which  can  give  no  pretext  for  discontent.  .  .  . 

THE   STATE    PRISONS    AND    HONEST   LABOR. 

If  these  penal  institutions  are  self-sustaining,  without  injury  or 
embarrassment  to  honest  labor,  it  is  a  matter  for  congratula- 
tion ;  but  it  is,  at  least,  very  questionable  whether  the  State 
should  go  further  and  seek  to  realize  a  profit  from  its  convict 
labor.  In  my  judgment,  it  should  not,  especially  if  the  danger 
of  competition  between  convicts  and  those  who  honestly  toil  is 
thereby  increased,  and  the  overcrowding  of  any  of  the  prisons, 
with  its  attendant  evils,  is  the  result.  .  .  . 

IMMIGRATION. 

During  the  year  the  State  Board  of  Charities  has  returned  to 
various  countries  of  Europe  forty-eight  lunatic,  idiotic,  crippled, 
blind,  and  otherwise  disabled  alien  paupers,  who  had  been 
deliberately  shipped  to  our  shores  by  the  authorities  of  foreign 
cities  and  towns,  or  by  relatives,  guardians,  and  friends,  in  order 


48  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET 

to  shift  the  burden  of  their  support  to  our  public,  charities.  It 
is  to  be  hoped  that  the  continued  return  of  such  unfortunates  to 
those  who  should  legally  and  naturally  provide  for  them  will  in 
time  discourage  such  mean  and  disgraceful  attempts  to  evade  a 
plain  and  humane  duty.  .  .  . 

CIVIL    SERVICE    REFORM. 

It  is  submitted  that  the  appointment  of  subordinates  in  the 
several  State  departments,  and  their  tenure  of  office  or  employ- 
ment, should  be  based  upon  fitness  and  efficiency,  and  that  this 
principle  should  be  embodied  in  legislative  enactment,  to  the 
end  that  the  policy  of  the  State  may  conform  to  the  reasonable 
public  demand  on  that  subject.  .  .  . 

CONCLUSION. 

Let  us  enter  upon  the  discharge  of  our  duties  fully  appreciat- 
ing our  relations  to  the  people,  and  determined  to  serve  them 
faithfully  and  well.  This  involves  a  jealous  watch  of  the  public 
funds,  and  a  refusal  to  sanction  their  appropriation  except  for 
public  needs.  To  this  end,  all  unnecessary  offices  should  be 
abolished,  and  all  employment  of  doubtful  benefit  discontinued. 
If  to  this  we  add  the  enactment  of  such  wise  and  well  consid- 
ered laws  as  will  meet  the  varied  wants  of  our  fellow-citi- 
zens, and  increase  their  prosperity,  we  shall  merit  and  receive 
the  approval  of  those  whose  representatives  we  are,  and,  with 
the  consciousness  of  duty  well  performed,  shall  leave  our  im- 
press for  good  on  the  legislation  of  the  State. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

So  soon  as  he  became  Governor,  Grover  Cleve- 
land commenced  at  once  the  work  of  reform,  and 
did  not  confine  it  to  large  and  important  State  ques- 
tions, but  began  at  home  and  in  his  immediate  per- 
sonal surroundings.  A  numerous  body  of  useless 
men  were  discharged,  and  admission  to  see  the 
Governor  made  free  to  all.  He  adopted  a  regular 
system  of  work,  not  only  for  his  employes  but  also 
for  his  own  office,  and  no  official  in  his  department 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERA^OR. 


49 


did  as  much  work  as  the  Governor  himself.  His  at- 
tention was  directed  to  the  subject  of  pardons,  the 
decision  upon  which  had  heretofore  been  in  the 
hands  of  a  pardon  clerk,  and  he  at  once  assumed  the 
responsibility  of  the  examination  and  decision  upon 
all  pardons  himself.  He  was  especially  anxious  to 
give  proper  attention  to  all  that  related  to  the  amelio- 
ration of  the  condition  of  laboring  men,  and  through 
the  fearless  use  of  his  veto  power  he  prevented  the 
enactment  into  statutes  of  several  measures  which 
would  have  been  injurious  to  the  workingmen. 
Under  his  administration  a  State  Civil  Service  Re- 
form bill  and  a  bill  prohibiting  political  assessments 
were  passed  and  signed  by  the  Governor.  A  bureau 
of  labor  statistics  was  also  established  with  his 
approval,  and  with  results  of  great  advantage  to  the 
State.  Many  attacks  were  made  upon  Grover  Cleve- 
land having  special  reference  to  his  views  upon  the 
labor  question,  and,  when  an  attempt  was  made  to 
defeat  his  nomination  at  a  subsequent  date,  he 
said :  — 

To  say  that  I  have  ever  failed  to  embrace  every  opportunity 
offered  me  to  elevate  the  condition  and  subserve  the  real  inter- 
ests of  the  workinginan,  and  to  protect  him  in  all  his  rights,  is 
false.  This,  however,  is  but  evidence  of  the  readiness  of  some 
persons  to  make  careless  statements  when  engaged  in  a  strug- 
gle, and  of  others  to  accept  such  statements  as  facts  instead  of 
ascertaining  the  truth  from  the  record.  Understand  me  ;  I  do 
not  profess  to  be  infallible  on  this  or  any  other  question,  but  I 
do  claim  that  no  sincere  and  honest  workingman  can  examine 
my  record  and  find  from  it  anything  which  tends  to  show  a  lack 
of  sympathy  with  and  care  for  the  true  interests  of  those  who 
labor.  I  am  sometimes  afraid  that  at  least  a  few  of  those  who 
pose  as  friends  of  the  workingmen  do  not  keep  themselves  fully 
informed  as  to  what  is  done  for  them  by  way  of  legislation.  As 


CQ  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

an  illustration,  I  see  it  stated  in  the  papers,  as  coming  from  one 
who  professes  to  be  especially  the  friend  of  the  workingmen, 
and  claiming  to  be  a  leader  among  them,  that  I  vetoed  a  bill 
preventing  contract  labor  by  children  in  the  reformatories  and 
institutions  of  the  State.  In  point  of  fact,  this  bill  was 
promptly  signed  by  me,  and  no  other  measure  touching  this 
question  has  been  presented  to  me. 

Governor  Cleveland's  veto  of  the  Elevated  Railroad 
five-cent  fare  bill  was  occasion  of  universal  clamor, 
simply  from  the  fact  of  its  not  being  generally 
understood.  We  give  herewith  the  last  clauses  of 
his  veto  message,  which  cover  his  most  important 
views  on  the  subject :  — 

It  is  manifestly  important  that  invested  capital  should  be 
protected,  and  that  its  necessity  and  usefulness  in  the  develop- 
ment of  enterprises  valuable  to  the  people  should  be  recog- 
nized by  conservative  conduct  on  the  part  of  the  State  govern- 
ment. 

But  we  have  especially  in  our  keeping  the  honor  and  good 
faith  of  a  great  State,  and  we  should  see  to  it  that  no  suspicion 
attaches,  through  any  act  of  ours,  to  the  fair  fame  of  the  com- 
monwealth. The  State  should  not  only  be  strictly  just,  but 
scrupulously  fair,  and  in  its  relations  to  the  citizens  every  legal 
and  moral  obligation  should  be  recognized.  This  can  only  be 
done  by  legislating  without  vindictiveness  or  prejudice,  and 
with  a  firm  determination  to  deal  justly  and  fairly  with  those 
from  whom  we  exact  obedience. 

I  am  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  this  bill  originated  in 
response  to  the  demand  of  a  large  portion  of  the  people  of  New 
York  for  cheaper  rates  of  fare  between  their  places  of  employ- 
ment and  their  homes,  and  I  realize  fully  the  desirability  of 
securing  to  them  all  the  privileges  possible,  but  the  experience 
of  other  States  teaches  that  we  must  keep  within  the  limits  of 
law  and  good  faith,  lest  in  the  end  we  bring  upon  the  very 
people  whom  we  seek  to  benefit  and  protect  a  hardship  which 
must  surely  follow  when  these  limits  are  ignored. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  GOVERNOR.  51 

That  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the  impression 
made  upon  thinking  men  by  this  message,  we  give 
herewith  a  letter  from  Rev.  Dr.  Anderson,  president 
of  Rochester  University,  and  one  of  our  most  prom- 
inent educators :  — 

ROCHESTER,  March  4,  1883. 
GOVERNOR  CLEVELAND  :  — 

Sir,  —  I  cannot,  in  justice  to  my  convictions,  refrain  from 
expressing  my  gratitude  for  your  veto  message,  which  I  have 
just  read.  I  have  no  personal  interest  in  any  of  the  great  cor- 
porations which  were  directly  or  indirectly  affected  by  the  bill 
from  which  you  have  so  wisely  withheld  your  approval.  But 
the  just  and  statesmanlike  position  taken  in  your  message  seems 
to  me  a  most  fitting  rebuke  to  the  demagogism  which  is  ready  to 
trifle  with  those  sacred  rights  of  property  guaranteed  by  our 
State  and  national  constitutions.  In  these  safeguards  of  prop- 
erty the  poor  man  has  a  more  vital  interest  than  the  capitalist, 
for  they  make  secure  the  poor  man's  savings,  which  constitute 
his  only  means  of  support.  I  have  taken  occasion  to  commend 
your  message  to  the  careful  consideration  of  my  students,  as  an 
exhibition  of  the  principles  which  should  govern  their  actions 
should  they  be  called  to  fill  public  station  in  their  future  lives. 
I  trust  you  will  pardon  me  for  obtruding  myself  upon  your 
attention.  As  a  teacher  of  young  men,  I  feel  grateful  to  any 
public  functionary  who  illustrates  in  his  person  the  lessons 
which  I  am  so  anxious  to  impress  upon  their  minds.  Again  I 
thank  you  for  the  courageous  and  worthy  action  which  you 
have  adopted  to  secure  sound  government  for  our  great  State. 

Yours  very  respectfully, 

MARTIN  B.  ANDERSON. 

The  second  year  of  Grover  Cleveland's  adminis- 
tration as  Governor  of  the  Empire  State  commenced 
under  the  best  auspices  ;  he  had  secured  the  approval 
and  good-will  of  five  millions  of  people,  who  were 
perfectly  satisfied  with  his  control  of  the  govern- 
ment. His  second  inaugural  message  dwelt  on 
many  local  subjects  of  great  interest,  but  space  will 


c2  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

not  permit  us  to  present  but  such  as  seem  worthy  of 
special  attention  at  the  present  time. 

The  Governor  said  as  follows  in  reference  to 


CIVIL   SERVICE.  REFORM. 

During  the  year  the  provisions  of  the  act  passed  by  the  last 
Legislature  to  regulate  and  improve  the  civil  service  of  the 
State  have  been  put  into  operation.  Fortunately  a  commission 
was  secured  whose  members  were  in  hearty  sympathy  with  the 
principles  of  the  law,  and  who  possessed  much  practical  knowl- 
edge of  the  needs  of  the  public  service.  The  commission  itself 
was  also  fortunate  in  obtaining  the  services  of  Silas  W.  Burt  as 
chief  examiner,  whose  experience  in  public  affairs  and  familiar- 
ity with  the  best  methods  of  regulating  the  civil  service  enabled 
him  to  render  invaluable  assistance  to  the  commission  and  the 
State.  The  preliminary  classification  and  the  framing  of  rules, 
contemplated  by  the  act  governing  the  appointments  to  place, 
having  been  completed  and  received  my  approval,  the  system 
will  become  operative  in  respect  to  all  State  officers  and  in  all 
State  institutions  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  present  month.  This 
work,  owing  to  the  diversity  of  the  State  service,  and  the  num- 
ber and  variety  of  positions  affected  by  the  law,  has  been  a  task 
attended  with  many  difficulties.  Although  some  slight  revision 
may  be  necessary,  on  the  whole  I  am  confident  the  scheme  will 
be  found  practical  and  effective,  without  being  too  rigorous  or 
burdensome. 

In  addition  the  commission  has  co-operated  with  the  mayors 
of  cities  who,  under  the  law,  have  exclusive  control  of  the  muni- 
cipal service,  and  in  several  cities,  notably  New  York  and 
Brooklyn,  a  thorough  system  of  civil  service  has  been  prepared 
and  promulgated,  as  nearly  in  harmony  with  the  State  system 
as  the  charters  and  statutes  relating  to  municipal  matters  will 
permit. 

New  York,  then,  leads  in  the  inauguration  of  a  comprehensive 
State  system  of  civil  service.  The  principle  of  selecting  the 
subordinate  employe's  of  the  State  on  the  ground  of  capacity  and 
fitness,  ascertained  according  to  fixed  and  impartial  rules,  with- 
out regard  to  political  predilections,  and  with  reasonable  assur- 
ance of  retention  and  promotion  in  case  of  meritorious  service, 
is  now  the  established  policy  of  the  State.  The  children  of  our 


GKOVER    CLEVELAND  AS   GOVERNOR. 


53 


citizens  are  educated  and  trained  in  schools  maintained  at  com- 
mon expense,  and  the  people  as  a  whole  have  a  right  to  demand 
the  selection  for  the  public  service  of  those  whose  natural  apti- 
tudes have  been  improved  by  the  educational  facilities  furnished 
by  the  State.  The  application  to  the  public  service  of  the  same 
rule  which  prevails  in  ordinary  business,  of  employing  those 
whose  knowledge  and  training  best  fit  them  for  the  duties  at 
hand,  without  regard  to  other  considerations,  must  elevate  and 
improve  the  civil  service  and  eradicate  from  it  many  evils  from 
which  it  has  long  suffered.  Not  the  least  gratifying  of  the  re- 
sults which  this  system  promises  to  accomplish  is  relief  to  public 
men  from  the  annoyance  of  importunity  in  the  strife  for  appoint- 
ments to  subordinate  places. 

RESULTS    OF   THE    FIRST    YEAR. 

The  people  of  the  State  are  to  be  congratulated  upon  the 
progress  made  during  the  last  year  in  the  direction  of  wholesome 
legislation. 

The  most  practical  and  thorough  civil  service  reform  has 
gained  a  place  in  the  policy  of  the  State. 

Political  assessments  upon  employes  in  the  public  depart- 
ments have  been  prohibited. 

The  rights  of  all  citizens  at  primary  elections  have  been  pro- 
tected by  law. 

A  bureau  has  been  established  to  collect  information  and 
statistics  touching  the  relations  between  labor  and  capital. 

The  sale  of  forest  land  at  the  source  of  our  important  streams 
has  been  prohibited,  thereby  checking  threatened  disaster  to 
the  commerce  on  our  waterways. 

Debts  and  obligations  for  the  payment  of  money,  owned 
though  not  actually  held  within  the  State,  have  been  made  sub- 
ject to  taxation,  thus  preventing  an  unfair  evasion  of  liability 
for  the  support  of  the  government. 

Business  principles  have  been  introduced  in  the  construction 
and  care  of  the  new  capitol  and  other  public  buildings,  and 
waste  and  extravagance  thereby  prevented. 

A  law  has  been  passed  for  the  better  administration  of  the 
Emigration  Bureau  and  the  prevention  of  its  abuses. 

The  people  have  been  protected  by  placing  cooperative  in- 
surance companies  under  the  control  and  supervision  of  the 
Insurance  Department. 


54 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


The  fees  of  receivers  have  been  reduced  and  regulated  in  the 
interests  of  the  creditors  of  insolvent  companies. 

A  court  of  claims  has  been  established  where  the  demands 
of  citizens  against  the  State  may  be  properly  determined. 

These  legislative  accomplishments,  and  others  of  less  impor- 
tance and  prominence,  may  well  be  cited  in  proof  of  the  fact 
that  the  substantial  interests  of  the  people  of  the  State  have  not 
been  neglected. 

Let  us  anticipate  a  time  when  care  for  the  people's  needs  as 
they  actually  arise,  and  the  application  of  remedies,  as  wrongs 
appear,  shall  lead  in  the  conduct  of  national  affairs;  and  let  us 
undertake  the  business  of  legislation  with  the  full  determina- 
tion that  these  principles  shall  guide  us  in  the  performance  of 
our  duties  as  guardians  of  the  interests  of  the  State. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

The  vetoes  of  Governor  Cleveland  during  the  ses- 
sion of  the  Legislature  of  1884  attracted  much  carp- 
ing opposition,  but,  as  usual,  when  the  good  common- 
sense  of  the  people  fairly  considered  his  views,  he 
was  almost  unanimously  supported,  and  it  must  be 
admitted  that  as  Governor  he  consistently  carried 
out  the  same  ideas  of  reform  and  correction  of  finan- 
cial abuses  that  he  did  in  his  capacity  of  mayor  of 
Buffalo. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

GROVER   CLEVELAND   AS   PRESIDENT. 

As  a  natural  result,  the  admirable  administration 
of  Grover  Cleveland  as  Governor  of  the  Empire 
State  led  to  the  early  consideration  of  his  name  in 
connection  with  the  Democratic  nomination  for  the 
Presidency  in  1884.  He  had  made  a  good  mayor, 
he  had  made  a  good  Governor,  he  should  make  a 
good  President.  So  soon  as  Governor  Tilden  de- 
clined the  nomination,  prominent  Democrats  at  once 
came  out  in  favor  of  Cleveland,  among  them  ex- 
Governor  Horatio  Seymour  and  ex-Senator  Francis 
Kernan.  At  the  Democratic  State  Convention  held 
at  Saratoga,  the  delegation  to  the  national  convention 
were  instructed  to  give  their  unanimous  vote  for 
Grover  Cleveland. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Chi- 
cago on  July  8,  1884,  Colonel  William  F.  Vilas,  of 
Wisconsin,  being  appointed  permanent  chairman. 
The  name  of  Grover  Cleveland  was  presented  by 
Mr.  Daniel  S.  Lockwood,  of  Buffalo,  representing 
the  delegation  from  the  State  of  New  York.  The 
remarks  of  Mr.  Lockwood,  made  four  years  since,  are 
so  patent  to  the  present  occasion  that  they  are  given 
here  in  full :  — 

55 


0  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  CONVENTION  :  It 
is  with  no  ordinary  feeling  of  responsibility  that  I  appear  before 
this  convention,  as  representative  of  the  Democracy  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  placing  in  nomination  a 
gentleman  from  the  State  of  New  York,  as  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  of  the  United  States.  This  responsibility  is  made 
greater  when  I  remember  that  the  richest  pages  of  American 
history  have  been  made  up  from  the  records  of  Democratic  ad- 
ministration. This  responsibility  is  made  still  greater  when  I 
remember  that  the  only  blot  in  the  political  history  done  at 
Washington,  an  outrage  upon  the  rights  of  the  American  people, 
was  in  1876,  and  that  that  outrage  and  that  injury  to  justice  is 
still  unavenged,  and  this  responsibility  is  not  lessened  when  I 
recall  the  fact  that  the  gentleman  whose  name  I  shall  present 
to  you  has  been  my  political  associate  from  my  youth.  Side  by 
side  have  we  marched  to  the  tune  of  Democratic  music;  side 
by  side  we  studied  the  principles  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson,  and 
we  love  the  faith  in  which  we  believe ;  and  during  all  this  time 
he  has  occupied  a  position  comparatively  as  a  private  citizen, 
yet  always  true  and  always  faithful  to  Democratic  principle.  No 
man  has  greater  respect  or  admiration  for  the  honored  names 
which  have  been  presented  to  this  convention  than  myself;  but, 
gentlemen,  the  world  is  moving,  and  moving  rapidly. 

From  the  North  to  the  South,  new  men  —  men  who  have  acted 
but  little  in  politics  —  are  coming  to  the  front,  and  to-day  there 
are  hundreds  and  thousands  of  young  men  in  this  country  — 
men  who  are  to  cast  their  first  vote,  who  are  independent  in 
politics  —  and  they  are  looking  to  this  convention,  praying 
silently  that  there  shall  be  no  mistake  made  here.  They  want 
to  drive  the  Republican  part}'  from  power ;  they  want  to  cast 
their  vote  for  a  Democrat  in  whom  they  believe.  These  people 
know  from  the  record  of  the  gentleman  whose  name  I  shall 
present,  that  Democracy  with  him  means  honest  government, 
pure  government,  and  protection  of  the  rights  of  the  people  of 
every  class  and  every  condition.  A  little  more  than  three  years 
ago,  I  had  the  honor,  at  the  city  of  Buffalo,  to  present  the  name 
of  this  same  gentleman  for  the  office  of  mayor  of  that  city.  It 
was  presented  then  for  the  same  reason,  for  the  same  causes 
that  we  present  it  now  ;  it  was  because  the  government  of  that 
city  had  become  corrupt  and  had  become  debauched,  and  poli- 
tical integrity  sat  not  in  high  places.  The  people  looked  for  a 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


57 


man  who  would  represent  the  contrary,  and  without  any  hesita- 
tion they  named  Grover  Cleveland  as  the  man.  The  result  of 
that  election,  and  his  holding  that  office,  was  that  in  less  than 
nine  months  the  State  of  New  York  found  herself  in  a  position 
to  want  just  such  a  candidate  and  for  such  a  purpose,  and  when, 
at  the  convention  in  1882,  his  name  was  placed  in  nomination 
for  the  office  of  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  the  same 
people,  the  same  class  of  people,  knew  that  that  meant  honest 
government,  it  meant  pure  government,  it  meant  Democratic 
government,  and  it  was  ratified  by  the  people.  And,  gentlemen, 
now,  after  eighteen  months'  service  there,  the  Democracy  of  the 
State  of  New  York  come  to  you  and  ask  you  to  give  to  the 
country,  to  give  the  independent  and  Democratic  voters  of  the 
country,  the  new  blood  of  the  country,  and  present  the  name  of 
Grover  Cleveland  as  its  standard-bearer  for  the  next  four  years. 
I  shall  indulge  in  no  eulogy  of  Mr.  Cleveland.  I  shall  not 
attempt  any  further  description  of  his  political  career.  It  is 
known.  His  Democracy  is  known.  His  statesmanship  is 
known  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  this  land.  And  all 
I  ask  of  this  convention  is  to  let  no  passion,  no  prejudice,  influ- 
ence its  duty  which  it  owes  to  the  people  of  this  country.  Be 
not  deceived.  Grover  Cleveland  can  give  the  Democratic  party 
the  thirty-six  electoral  votes  of  the  State  of  New  York  on  elec- 
tion day.  He  can,  by  his  purity  of  character,  by  his  purity  of 
administration,  by  his  fearless  and  undaunted  courage  to  do 
right,  bring  to  you  more  votes  than  anybody  else.  Gentlemen 
of  the  convention,  but  one  word  more.  Mr.  Cleveland's  candi- 
dacy before  this  convention  is  offered  upon  the  ground  of  his 
honor,  his  integrity,  his  wisdom,  and  his  Democracy.  Upon 
that  ground  we  ask  it,  believing  that  if  ratified  by  this  conven- 
tion he  can  be  elected  and  take  his  seat  at  Washington  as  a 
Democratic  President  of  the  United  States. 


Upon  the  second  ballot  taken  in  the  convention 
the  name  of  Grover  Cleveland  was  adopted  as 
Democratic  candidate  for  President  by  a  vote  which 
was  at  once  made  unanimous,  the  formal  announce- 
ment of  the  vote  being :  — 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  If  IS  CABINET. 


Cleveland 

Bayard 

Hendricks 

Thurman 

Randall 

McDonald 


In  detail  the  States  voted  as  follows  : 


683 


STATES. 

c/5 

D 
fj 

E* 
U 

"~v 

Q 

Cleveland. 

McDonald. 

•p 

a 

^ 

P3 

Thurman. 

Hendricks. 

Randall. 

Alabama      

20 

c 

I 

14. 

Arkansas      

14. 

14. 

76 

T6 

Colorado      

6 

6 

Connecticut      

12 

12 

Delaware     .     .     .  *  . 

6 

6 

8 

8 

Georgia  

24. 

22 

2 

Illinois    

44. 

4."? 

I 

Indiana  ....... 

7.0 

•2Q 

Iowa  

06 

06 

Kansas   

18 

17 

I 

Kentucky    

26 

2  I 

I 

*   ' 

Louisiana     

16 

T  r 

I 

.Maine      

12 

'0 
12 

Maryland     . 

T6 

T6 

Massachusetts  

28 

8 

74- 

I2i 

Michigan     

26 

27 

IZ 

^^2 

" 

Minnesota   .... 

IA 

14. 

18 

2 

2 

72 

72 

14 

' 

Nebraska     

IO 

O^ 

Nevada  

6 

*   * 

New  Hampshire   .... 

8 

8 

New  Jersey  

18 

New  York    

72 

T> 

*   * 

/•* 

72 

*      * 

•    ' 

•   • 

•    • 

•   • 

GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


59 


STATES. 

Delegates. 

Cleveland. 

McDonald. 

•d 

H 

rt 

!? 

PQ 

Thurman. 

Hendricks. 

Randall. 

North  Carolina          .     .     . 

22 

22 

Ohio         

Ore<Ton         

6 

6 

60 

42 

•j 

I 

1  1 

4 

Rhode  Island        .     .          . 

8 

7 

2 

South  Carolina      .... 

18 

IO 

8 

Tennessee   

24 

24 

Texas      

26 

26 

Vermont      

8 

8 

Virginia       ...... 

24 

2  1 

I 

West  Virginia  

12 

IO 

2 

22 

22 

Arizona  

2 

2 

Dakota    

2 

2 

2 

2 

Montana      

2 

2 

New  Mexico     

2 

2 

Utah  

2 

2 

Washington      

2 

2 

2 

2 

District  of  Columbia 

2 

2 

Totals. 

8?0 

687 

2 

8Tft 

4 

4 

Governor  Cleveland  was  quietly  at  work  at  his 
regular  executive  routine  of  business  when  the 
news  arrived  of  his  nomination,  and  he  was  at  once 
obliged  to  receive  the  congratulations  of  his  friends 
and  fellow-countrymen.  In  reply  to  an  address  by 
Mr.  James  Tracey,  President  of  the  Young  Men's 
Club,  Governor  Cleveland  said  :  — 

FELLOW-CITIZENS,  —  I  cannot  but  be  gratified  with  this 
kindly  greeting.  I  find  that  I  am  fast  reaching  the  point 


5o  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

where  I  shall  count  the  people  of  Albany  not  merely  as  fellcv.v- 
citizens,  but  as  townsmen  and  neighbors. 

On  this  occasion  I  am,  of  course,  aware  that  you  pay  no 
compliment  to  a  citizen,  and  present  no  personal  tribute,  but 
that  you  have  come  to  demonstrate  your  loyalty  and  devotion 
to  a  cause  in  which  you  are  heartily  enlisted. 

The  American  people  are  about  to  exercise,  in  its  highest 
sense,  their  power  and  right  of  sovereignty.  They  are  to  call 
in  review  before  them  their  public  servants  and  the  representa- 
tives of  political  parties,  and  demand  of  them  an  account  of 
their  stewardship. 

Parties  may  be  so  long  in  power,  and  may  become  so  arro- 
gant and  careless  of  the  interests  of  the  people,  as  to  grow 
heedless  of  their  responsibility  to  their  masters.  But  the  time 
comes,  as  certainly  as  death,  when  the  people  weigh  them  in 
the  balance. 

The  issues  to  be  adjudicated  by  the  nation's  great  assize  are 
made  up  and  are  about  to  be  submitted. 

We  believe  that  the  people  are  not  receiving,  at  the  hands 
of  the  party  which  for  nearly  twenty-four  years  has  directed  the 
affairs  of  the  nation,  the  full  benefits  to  which  they  are  entitled, 
of  a  pure,  just,  and  economical  rule  ;  and  we  beTeve  that  the 
ascendency  of  genuine  Democratic  principles  will  insure  a 
better  government,  and  greater  happiness  and  prosperity  to  all 
the  people. 

To  reach  the  sober  thought  of  the  nation,  and  to  dislodge 
an  enemy  intrenched  behind  spoils  and  patronage,  involve  a 
struggle  which  if  we  underestimate  \ve  invite  defeat.  I  am  pro- 
foundly impressed  with  the  responsibility  of  the  part  assigned 
to  me  in  this  contest.  My  heart,  I  know,  is  in  the  cause,  and  I 
pledge  you  that  no  effort  of  mine  shall  be  wanting  to  secure  the 
victory  which  I  believe  to  be  within  the  achievement  of  the 
Democratic  hosts. 

Let  us,  then,  enter  upon  the  campaign  now  fairly  opened, 
each  one  appreciating  well  the  part  he  has  to  perform,  ready, 
with  solid  front,  to  do  battle  for  better  government,  confidently, 
courageously,  always  honorably,  and  with  a  firm  reliance  upon 
the  intelligence  and  patriotism  of  the  American  people. 

At  the  conclusion  of  his  remarks  the  audience 
cheered  again  and  again  tumultuously  as  the  Gov- 


G ROVER    CLEVELAND   AS  PRESIDENT.  gj 

ernor  reentered  the  house.  The  doors  were  thrown 
open,  and,  taking  his  place  in  the  broad  hallway,  on 
the  spot  where  eight  years  before  Governor  Tilden 
had  received  the  congratulations  of  the  people  on 
his  nomination,  Governor  Cleveland  shook  hands 
with  the  thousands  who  for  two  hours  poured 
steadily  in  one  door  and  out  the  other. 

Governor  Cleveland  was  officially  notified  of  his 
nomination  to  the  high  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States  in  the  afternoon  of  July  29,  1884. 
The  ceremony  took  place  in  the  Governor's  mansion. 
Colonel  Vilas,  president  of  the  notification  committee 
delivered  the  following  address  :  — 

GROVER  CLEVELAND,  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  STATE  OF  NEW 
YORK,  —  These  gentlemen,  my  associates  here  present,  whose 
voice  I  am  honored  with  authority  to  utter,  are  a  committee  ap- 
pointed by  the  National  Democratic  Convention  which  recently 
assembled  in  Chicago,  and  charged  with  the  grateful  duty  of 
acquainting  you,  officially  and  in  that  solemn  and  ceremonious 
manner  which  the  dignity  and  importance  of  the  communication 
demand,  with  the  interesting  result  of  its  deliberations,  already 
known  to  you  through  the  ordinary  channels  of  news. 

Sir,  the  august  body,  convened  by  direct  delegation  from 
the  Democratic  people  of  the  several  States  and  Territories  of 
the  republic,  and  deliberating  under  the  witness  of  the  greatest 
assembly  of  freemen  ever  gathered  to  such  a  conference,  in 
forethought  of  the  election  which  the  Constitution  imposes  upon 
them  to  make  during  the  current  year,  have  nominated  you  to 
the  people  of  these  United  States  to  be  their  President  for  the 
next  ensuing  term  of  that  great  office,  and,  with  grave  consider- 
ation of  its  exalted  responsibilities,  have  confidently  invoked 
their  suffrages  to  invest  you  with  its  functions.  Through  this 
committee  the  convention's  high  requirement  is  delivered  that 
you  accept  that  candidacy. 

This  choice  carries  with  it  profound  personal  respect  and 
admiration  ;  but  it  has  been  in  no  manner  the  fruit  of  these 
sentiments.  The  national  Democracy  seek  a  President  not  in 


62  THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 

compliment  for  what  the  man  is,  or  reward  for  what  he  has  done, 
but  in  a  just  expectation  of  what  he  will  accomplish  as  the  true 
servant  of  a  free  people,  fit  for  their  lofty  trust.  Always  of  mo- 
mentous consequence,  they  conceive  the  public  exigency  to  be 
now  of  transcendent  importance,  that  a  laborious  reform  in  ad- 
ministration, as  well  as  legislation,  is  imperatively  necessary  to 
the  prosperity  and  honor  of  the  republic,  and  a  competent 
chief  magistrate  must  be  of  unusual  temper  and  power.  They 
have  observed  with  attention  your  execution  of  the  public  trusts 
you  have  held,  especially  of  that  with  which  you  are  now  so 
honorably  invested. 

They  place  their  reliance  for  the  usefulness  of  the  services 
they  expect  to  exact  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation  upon  the  evi- 
dence derived  from  the  services  you  have  performed  for  the 
State  of  New  York.  They  invite  the  electors  to  such  proofs  of 
character  and  competence  to  justify  their  confidence  that  in  the 
nation',  as  heretofore  in  the  State,  the  public  business  will  be  ad- 
ministered with  commensurate  intelligence  and  ability,  with 
single-hearted  honesty  and  fidelity,  and  with  a  resolute  and 
daring  fearlessness  whicli  no  faction,  no  combination,  no  power 
of  wealth,  no  mistaken  clamor,  can  dismay  or  qualify. 

In  the  spirit  of  the  wisdom  and  invoking  the  benediction  of 
the  Divine  Teacher  of  men,  we  challenge  from  the  sovereignty 
of  this  nation  his  words  in  commendation  and  ratification  of 
our  choice,  "  Well  done,  thou  good  and  faithful  servant ;  thou 
hast  been  faithful  over  a  few  things,  I  will  make  thee  ruler  over 
many  things."  In  further  fulfilment  of  our  duty,  the  secretary 
will  now  present  the  written  communication  signed  by  the  com- 
mittee. 

Governor  Cleveland  remained  calm  throughout 
these  remarks  and  looked  the  speaker  squarely  in 
the  face.  Mr.  Bell,  the  secretary  of  the  committee, 
then  read  the  letter  of  notification,  afterward  handing 
the  manuscript,  inclosed  in  its  leather  wallet,  to  the 
Governor.  • 

Following  is  the  address  of  the  committee  of  noti- 
fication :  — 


GROVE R   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  63 

NEW  YORK  CITY,  July  28,  1884. 
To  the  Hon.  GROVER  CLEVELAND,  of  New  York  :  — 

Sir,  —  In  accordance  with  a  custom  befitting  the  nature  of 
the  communication,  the  undersigned,  representing  the  several 
States  and  Territories  of  the  Union,  were  appointed  a  commit- 
tee by  the  National  Democratic  Convention,  which  assembled 
at  Chicago,  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  current  month,  to  perform 
the  pleasing  office  which  by  this  means  we  have  the  honor  to  exe- 
cute, of  informing  you  of  your  nomination  as  the  candidate  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  the  ensuing  election  for  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  A  declaration  of  the  prin- 
ciples upon  which  the  Democracy  go  before  the  people  with 
the  hope  of  establishing  and  maintaining  them  in  the  gov- 
ernment was  made  by  the  convention,  and  an  engrossed  copy 
thereof  is  submitted  in  connection  with  this  communication  for 
your  consideration.  We  trust  the  approval  of  your  judgment 
will  follow  an  examination  of  this  expression  of  opinion  and 
policy,  and  upon  the  political  controversy  now  made  up  we  in- 
vite your  acceptance  of  the  exalted  leadership  to  which  you  have 
been  chosen. 

The  election  of  a  President  is  an  event  of  the  utmost  im- 
portance to  the  people  of  America.  Prosperity,  growth,  happi- 
ness, peace,  and  liberty  even  may  depend  upon  its  wise  order- 
ing. Your  unanimous  nomination  is  proof  that  the  Democracy 
believe  your  election  will  most  contribute  to  secure  these  great 
objects.  We  assure  you  that  in  the  anxious  responsibilities  you 
must  assume  as  a  candidate  you  will  have  the  steadfast,  cordial 
support  of  the  friends  of  the  cause  you  will  represent,  and,  in  the 
execution  of  the  duties  of  the  high  office  which  we  confidently 
expect  from  the  wisdom  of  the  nation  to  be  conferred  upon  you, 
you  may  securely  rely  for  approving  aid  upon  the  patriotism, 
honor,  and  intelligence  of  this  free  people.  We  have  the  honor 
to  be,  with  great  respect, 

W.  F.  VILAS  (Wisconsin),  President. 
NICHOLAS  N.  BELL  (Missouri),  Secretary. 
D.  P.  BESTOR,  Ala.,  D.  E.  MCCARTHY,  Nev., 

FKED.  W.  FORDYCE,  Ark.,  J.  F.  CLOUTMAN,  N.  H., 

NILES  SEARLES,  Cal.,  JOHN  P.  STOCKTON,  N.  J., 

M.  M.  S.  WALLER,  Col.,  JOHN  C.  JACOBS,  N.  Y., 

THEO.  M.  WALLER,  Conn.,  G.  H.  OURY,  Arizona, 

GEORGE  H.  BATES,  Del.,  RANSFORD  SMITH,  Utah, 

ATILLA  Cox,  Ky.,  JOHN  M.  SELCOTT,  Idaho, 

JAMES  JEFFRIES,  La.,  W.  D.  CHIPLEY,  Fla., 


64 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


C.  H.  OSGOOD,  Me., 
GEORGE  WELLS,  Md» 
J.  E.  ABBOTT,  Mass., 

D.  J.  CAMPAN,  Mich., 
THOS.  E.  HEENAN,  Minn., 
CHARLES  E.  HOOKER,  Miss., 
DAVID  R.  FRANCIS,  Mo., 
PATRICK  FAHY,  Neb., 
WILSON  G.  LAMB,  N.  C., 
JOSEPH  H.  EARLE,  S.  C., 
WM.  A.  QUARLES,  Tenn., 
GEORGE  L.  SPEAR,  Vt., 
FRANK  HEREFORD,  W.  Va., 
T.  T.  HAUSER,  Montana, 

M.  S.  McCoRMicK,  D.  T., 


M.  P.  REESE,  Ga., 
A.  E.  STEVENSON,  111., 
E.  D.  BANNISTER,  Ind., 
L.  G.  KINNE,  Iowa, 

C.  C.  BURNES,  Kan., 
WM.  E.  HAYNES,  Ohio, 
S.  L.  MCARTHUR,  Ore., 
JAMES  P.  BARR,  Pa., 
DAVID  S.  BAKER,  JR.,  R.  I., 
E.  D.  WRIGHT,  Dist.  of  Col., 
JOSEPH  E.  DWYER,  Texas, 
ROBERT  BEVERLY,  Va., 

W.  A.  ANDERSON,  Wis., 
W.  B.  CHILDERS,  N.  Mex., 

D.  B.  DUTRO,  W.  T. 


Governor  Cleveland  received  the  proffered  wallet 
gracefully  and  replied  quietly,  without  gesture  and 
without  the  use  of  manuscript :  — 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE,  — 
Your  formal  announcement  does  not,  of  course,  convey  to  me 
the  first  information  of  the  result  of  the  convention  lately  held 
by  the  Democracy  of  the  nation,  and  yet  when,  as  I  listen  to 
your  message,  I  see  about  me  representatives  from  all  parts  of 
the  land  of  the  great  party  which,  claiming  to  be  the  party  of 
the  people,  asks  them  to  intrust  to  it  the  administration  of  their 
government ;  and  when  I  consider,  under  the  influence  of  the 
stern  reality  which  the  present  surroundings  create,  that  I  have 
been  chosen  to  represent  the  plans,  purposes,  and  the  policy  of 
the  Democratic  party,  I  am  profoundly  impressed  by  the 
solemnity  of  the  occasion  and  by  the  responsibility  of  my  posi- 
tion. 

Though  I  gratefully  appreciate  it,  I  do  not  at  this  moment 
congratulate  myself  upon  the  distinguished  honor  which  has  been 
conferred  upon  me,  because  my  mind  is  full  of  an  anxious  desire 
to  perform  well  the  part  which  has  been  assigned  to  me.  Nor 
do  I  at  this  moment  forget  that  the  rights  and  interests  of  more 
than  fifty  millions  of  my  fellow-citizens  are  involved  in  our 
efforts  to  gain  Democratic  supremacy.  This  reflection  pre- 
sents to  my  mind  the  consideration  which  more  than  all  others 
gives  to  the  action  of  my  party  in  convention  assembled  its 
most  sober  and  serious  aspect.  The  party  and  its  representa- 
tives which  ask  to  be  intrusted  at  the  hands  of  the  people  with 


GROWER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  65 

the  keeping  of  all  that  concerns  their  welfare  and  their  safety 
should  only  ask  it  with  the  full  appreciation  of  the  sacredness 
of  the  trust  and  with  a  firm  resolve  to  administer  it  faithfully 
and  well.  I  am  a  Democrat  because  I  believe  that  this  truth 
lies  at  the  foundation  of  true  democracy.  I  have  kept  the  faith 
because  I  believe,  if  rightly  and  fairly  administered  and  applied, 
Democratic  doctrines  and  measures  will  insure  the  happiness, 
contentment,  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 

If,  in  the  contest  upon  which  we  now  enter,  we  steadfastly 
hold  to  the  underlying  principles  of  our  party  creed,  and  at  all 
times  keep  in  view  the  people's  good,  we  shall  be  strong,  be- 
cause we  are  true  to  ourselves  and  because  the  plain  and  inde- 
pendent voters  of  the  land  will  seek  by  their  suffrages  to  com- 
pass their  release  from  party  tyranny  where  there  should  be 
submission  to  the  popular  will,  and  their  protection  from  party 
corruption  where  there  should  be  devotion  to  the  people's  inter- 
ests. These  thoughts  lend  a  consecration  to  our  cause,  and  we 
go  forth  not  merely  to  gain  a  partisan  advantage,  but  pledged 
to  give  to  those  who  trust  us  the  utmost  benefits  of  a  pure  and 
honest  administration  of  national  affairs.  No  higher  purpose  or 
motive  can  stimulate  us  to  supreme  effort  or  urge  us  to  contin- 
uous and  earnest  labor  and  effective  party  organization.  Let 
us  not  fail  in  this,  and  we  may  confidently  hope  to  reap  the  full 
reward  of  patriotic  services  well  performed. 

I  have  thus  called  to  mind  some  simple  truths,  and,  trite 
though  they  are,  it  seems  to  me  we  do  well  to  dwell  upon  them 
at  this  time.  I  shall  soon,  I  hope,  signify  in  the  usual  formal 
manner  my  acceptance  of  the  nomination  which  has  been  ten- 
dered me.  In  the  meantime  I  gladly  greet  you  all  as  co-workers 
in  a  noble  cause. 

The  reply  of  Grover  Cleveland  to  the  letter  from 
the  committee  announcing  his  nomination  is  a  sim- 
ple restatement  of  his  views  as  expressed  heretofore, 
with  the  results  of  his  added  experience  as  mayor 
and  Governor.  His  views  as  regards  the  executive 
management  of  the  administration  of  a  great  nation 
have  been  faithfully  carried  out  during  the  past  three 
years,  and  the  reader  who  follows  carefully  all  of  its 


66  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 

utterances  will  be  surprised  at   their  almost  exact 
confirmation  by  the  acts  of  the  President. 

LETTER  OF   ACCEPTANCE. 

ALBANY,  N.  Y.,  August  18,  1884. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  have  received  your  communication,  dated 
July  28,  1884,  informing  me  of  my  nomination  to  the  office  of 
President  of  the  United  States,  by  the  National  Democratic 
Convention  lately  assembled  at  Chicago. 

I  accept  the  nomination  with  a  grateful  appreciation  of  the 
supreme  honor  conferred,  and  a  solemn  sense  of  the  responsi- 
bility which,  in  its  acceptance,  I  assume. 

I  have  carefully  considered  the  platform  adopted  by  the  con- 
vention, and  cordially  approve  the  same.  So  plain  a  statement 
of  Democratic  faith  and  the  principles  upon  which  that  party 
appeals  to  the  suffrages  of  the  people  needs  no  supplement  or 
explanation. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  the  office  of  President  is  essen- 
tially executive  in  its  nature.  The  laws  enacted  by  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  the  government  the  chief  executive  is  bound 
faithfully  to  enforce.  And  when  the  wisdom  of  the  political 
party  which  selects  one  of  its  members  as  a  nominee  for  that 
office  has  outlined  its  policy  and  declared  its  principles,  it 
seems  to  me  that  nothing  in  the  character  of  the  office  or  the 
necessities  of  the  case  requires  more  from  the  candidate  accept- 
ing such  nomination  than  the  suggestion  of  certain  well  known 
truths,  so  absolutely  vital  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  nation 
that  they  cannot  be  too  often  recalled  or  too  seriously  enforced. 

GOVERNMENT   BY   THE    PEOPLE. 

We  proudly  call  ours  a  government  by  the  people.  It  is  not 
such  when  a  class  is  tolerated  which  arrogates  to  itself  the 
management  of  public  affairs,  seeking  to  control  the  people 
instead  of  representing  them. 

Parties  are  the  necessary  outgrowth  of  our  institutions,  but  a 
government  is  not  by  the  people  when  one  party  fastens  its  con- 
trol upon  the  country  and  perpetuates  its  power  by  cajoling  and 
betraying  the  people  instead  of  serving  them. 

A  government  is  not  by  the   people  when  a  result  which 


G ROVER  CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  fy 

should  represent  the  intelligent  will  of  free  and  thinking  men  is 
or  can  be  determined  by  the  shameless  corruption  of  their  suf- 
frages. 

When  an  election  to  office  shall  be  the  selection  by  the  voters 
of  one  of  their  number,  to  assume  for  a  time  a  public  trust  in- 
stead of  his  dedication  to  the  profession  of  politics  ;  when  the 
holders  of  the  ballot,  quickened  by  a  sense  of  duty,  shall  avenge 
truth  betrayed  and  pledges  broken,  and  when  the  suffrage  shall 
be  altogether  free  and  uncorruptecl,  the  full  realization  of  a  gov- 
ernment by  the  people  will  be  at  hand.  And  of  the  means  to 
this  end  not  one  would,  in  my  judgment,  be  more  effective  than 
an  amendment  to  the  constitution  disqualifying  the  President 
from  reelection.  When  we  consider  the  patronage  of  this  great 
office,  the  allurements  of  power,  the  temptation  to  retain  public 
place  once  gained,  and,  more  than  all,  the  availability  a  party 
finds  in  an  incumbent  whom  a  horde  of  office-holders,  with  a 
zeal  born  of  benefits  received  and  fostered  by  the  hope  of  favors 
yet  to  come,  stand  ready  to  aid  with  money  and  trained  political 
service,  we  recognize  in  the  eligibility  of  the  President  for  re- 
election a  most  serious  danger  to  that  calm,  deliberate,  and  in- 
telligent political  action  which  must  characterize  a  government 
by  the  people. 

LABOR   MUST    BE   PROTECTED. 

A  true  American  sentiment  recognizes  the  dignity  of  labor 
and  the  fact  that  honor  lies  in  honest  toil.  Contented  labor  is 
an  element  of  national  prosperity.  Ability  to  work  constitutes 
the  capital  and  the  wage  of  labor,  the  income  of  a  vast  number 
of  our  population,  and  this  interest  should  be  jealously  pro- 
tected. Our  workingmen  are  not  asking  unreasonable  indul- 
gence, but  as  intelligent  and  manly  citizens  they  seek  the  same 
consideration  which.,  those  demand  who  have  other  interests  at 
stake.  They  should  receive  their  full  share  of  the  care  and 
attention  of  those  who  make  and  execute  the  laws,  to  the  end 
that  the  wants  and  needs  of  the  employers  and  the  employed 
shall  alike  be  subserved,  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  the 
common  heritage  of  both,  be  advanced.  As  related  to  this  sub- 
ject, while  we  should  not  discourage  the  immigration  of  those 
who  come  to  acknowledge  allegiance  to  our  government  and  add 
to  our  citizen  population,  yet,  as  a  means  of  protection  to  our 


68  THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 

workingmen,  a  different  rule  should  prevail  concerning  those 
who,  if  they  come  or  are  brought  to  our  land,  do  not  intend  to 
become  Americans,  but  will  injuriously  compete  with  those 
justly  entitled  to  our  field  of  labor. 

In  a  letter  accepting  the  nomination  to  the  office  of  Governor, 
nearly  two  years  ago,  I  made  the  following  statement,  to  which 
I  have  steadily  adhered  :  — 

"  The  laboring  classes  constitute  the  main  part  of  our  popu- 
lation. They  should  be  protected  in  their  efforts  peaceably  to 
assert  their  rights  when  endangered  by  aggregated  capital,  and 
all  statutes  on  this  subject  should  recognize  the  care  of  the  State 
for  honest  toil,  and  be  framed  with  a  view  of  improving  the  con- 
dition of  the  workingman." 

A  proper  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the  workingman  being  in- 
separably connected'with  the  integrity  of  oar  institutions,  none 
of  our  citizens  are  more  interested  than  they  in  guarding  against 
any  corrupting  influences  which  seek  to  pervert  the  beneficent 
purposes  of  our  government,  and  none  should  be  more  watchful 
of  the  artful  machinations  of  those  who  allure  them  to  self- 
inflicted  injury. 


CONSERVATION   OF    INDIVIDUAL   RIGHTS. 

In  a  free  country  the  curtailment  of  the  absolute  rights  of 
the  individual  should  only  be  such  as  is  essential  to  the  peace 
and  good  order  of  the  community.  The  limit  between  the 
proper  subjects  of  governmental  control  and  those  which  can 
be  more  fittingly  left  to  the  moral  sense  and  self-imposed  re- 
straint of  the  citizen  should  be  carefully  kept  in  view.  Thus, 
laws  unnecessarily  interfering  with  the  habits  and  customs  of 
any  of  our  people,  which  are  not  offensive  to  the  moral  senti- 
ments of  the  civilized  world,  and  which  are  consistent  with 
good  citizenship  and  the  public  welfare,  are  unwise  and  vexa- 
tious. 

The  commerce  of  a  nation,  to  a  great  extent,  determines  its 
supremacy.  Cheap  and  easy  transportation  should  therefore  be 
liberally  fostered.  Within  the  limits  of  the  constitution,  the 
general  government  should  so  improve  and  protect  its  natural 
waterways  as  will  enable  the  producers  of  the  country  to  reach 
a  profitable  market. 


GROVER    CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


THE    PUBLIC    SERVICE. 


69 


The  people  pay  the  wages  of  the  public  employes,  and  they 
are  entitled  to  the  fair  and  honest  work  which  the  money  thus 
paid  should  command.  It  is  the  duty  of  those  intrusted  with 
the  management  of  their  affairs  to  see  that  such  public  service 
is  forthcoming.  The  selection  and  retention  of  subordinates  in 
government  employment  should  depend  upon  their  ascertained 
fitness  and  the  value  of  their  work,  and  they  should  be  neither 
expected  nor  allowed  to  do  questionable  party  service.  The  in- 
terests of  the  people  will  be  better  protected  ;  the  estimate  of 
public  labor  and  duty  will  be  immensely  improved;  public  em- 
ployment will  be  open  to  all  who  can  demonstrate  their  fitness 
to  enter  it ;  the  unseemly  scramble  for  place  under  the  govern- 
ment, with  the  consequent  importunity  which  embitters  official 
life,  will  cease  ;  and  the  public  departments  will  not  be  filled 
with  those  who  conceive  it  to  be  their  first  duty  to  aid  the  party 
to  which  they  owe  their  places,  instead  of  rendering  patient  and 
honest  return  to  the  people. 

AN    HONEST   ADMINISTRATION    WANTED. 

I  believe  that  the  public  temper  is  such  that  the  voters  of  the 
land  are  prepared  to  support  the  party  which  , gives  the  best 
promise  of  administering  the  government  in  the  honest,  simple, 
and  plain  manner  which  is  consistent  with  its  character  and 
purposes.  They  have  learned  that  mystery  and  concealment  in 
the  management  of  their  affairs  cover  tricks  and  betrayal.  The 
statesmanship  they  require  consists  in  honesty  and  frugality,  a 
prompt  response  to  the  needs  of  the  people  as  they  arise,  and 
the  vigilant  protection  of  all  their  varied  interests. 

If  I  should  be  called  to  the  chief  magistracy  of  the  nation 
by  the  suffrages  of  my  fellow  citizens,  I  will  assume  the  duties 
of  that  high  office  with  a  solemn  determination  to  dedicate 
every  effort  to  the  country's  good,  and  with  an  humble  reliance 
upon  the  favor  and  support  of  the  Supreme  Being,  who,  I  be- 
lieve, will  always  bless  honest  human  endeavor  in  the  conscien- 
tious discharge  of  public  duty. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND 

To  Colonel  WILLIAM  F.  VILAS,  Chairman,  and  D.  P.  BESTOR,  and  others, 
Members  of  the  Notification  Committee  of  the  Democratic  National 
Convention. 


•JQ  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 

The  nomination  of  Grover  Cleveland  was  accepted 
by  the  press  of  all  parties  as  the  best  thing  for  the 
nation's  good,  and  Democrat,  Republican,  and  Inde- 
pendent joined  hands  in  praise  of  the  man  so  unex- 
pectedly brought  forward.  Geo.  Wm.  Curtis,  in 
Harpers  Weekly,  refused  to  countenance  the  Re- 
publican ticket,  and  published  the  following  leading 
editorial :  — 

The  nomination  of  Grover  Cleveland  defines  sharply  the 
actual  issue  of  the  presidential  election  of  this  year.  He  is  a 
man  whose  absolute  official  integrity  has  never  been  questioned, 
who  has  no  laborious  and  doubtful  explanations  to  undertake, 
and  who  is  universally  known  as  the  Governor  of  New  York, 
elected  by  an  unprecedented  majority  which  was  not  partisan, 
and  represented  both  the  votes  and  the  consent  of  an  enormous 
body  of  Republicans,  and  who,  as  the  chief  executive  of  the 
State,  has  steadily  withstood  the  blandishments  and  the  threats 
of  the  worst  elements  of  his  party,  and  has  justly  earned  the 
reputation  of  a  courageous,  independent,  and  efficient  friend  and 
promoter  of  administrative  reform.  His  name  has  become  that 
of  the  especial  representative  among  our  public  men  of  the 
integrity,  purity,  and  economy  of  administration  which  are  the 
objects  of  the  most  intelligent  and  patriotic  citizens.  The 
bitter  and  furious  hostility  of  Tammany  Hall  and  of  General 
Butler  to  Governor  Cleveland  is  his  passport  to  the  confidence 
of  good  men,  and  the  general  conviction  that  Tammany  will  do 
all  that  it  can  to  defeat  him  will  be  an  additional  incentive  to 
the  voters  who  cannot  support  Mr.  Elaine,  and  who  are  unwill- 
ing not  to  vote  at  all,  to  secure  the  election  of  a  candidate  whom 
the  political  rings  and  the  party  traders  instinctively  hate  and 
unitedly  oppose. 

So  firm  and  "  clean  "  and  independent  in  his  high  office  has 
Governor  Cleveland  shown  himself  to  be  that  he  is  denounced 
as  not  being  a  Democrat  by  his  Democratic  opponents.  This 
denunciation  springs  from  the  fact  that  he  has  not  hesitated  to 
prefer  the  public  welfare  to  the  mere  interest  of  his  party.  Last 
autumn,  when  the  Democratic  district  attorney  of  'Queen's 
County  was  charged  with  misconduct,  the  Governor  heard  the 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  ji 

accusation  and  the  defence,  and  decided  that  it  was  l»s  duty  to 
remove  the  officer.  He  was  asked  by  his  party  friends  to  defer 
the  removal  until  after  the  election,  as  otherwise  the  party 
would  lose  the  district  by  the  opposition  of  the  attorney's 
friends.  The  Governor  understood  his  duty,  and  removed  the 
officer  some  days  before  the  election,  and  the  party  did  lose  the 
district.  This  kind  of  courage  and  devotion  to  public  duty  in 
the  teeth  of  the  most  virulent  opposition  of  traders  of  his  own 
party  is  unusual  in  any  public  man,  and  it  shows  precisely  the 
executive  quality  which  is  demanded  at  a  time  when  every  form 
of  speculation  and  fraud  presses  upon  the  public  treasury  under 
the  specious  plea  of  party  advantage.. 

The  argument  that  in  an  election  it  is  not  a  man  but  a  party 
that  is  supported,  and  that  the  Democratic  party  is  less  to  be 
trusted  than  the  Republican,  is  futile  at  a  time  when  the  Repub- 
lican party  has  nominated  a  candidate  whom  a  great  body  of 
the  most  conscientious  Republicans  cannot  support,  and  the 
Democratic  party  has  nominated  a  candidate  whom  a  great 
body  of  the  most  venal  Democrats  practically  bolt.  Distrust  of 
the  Democratic  party  springs  from  the  conduct  of  the  very 
Democrats  who  madly  oppose  Governor  Cleveland  because  they 
know  that  they  cannot  use  him.  The  mere  party  argument  is 
vain  also  because  no  honorable  man  will  be  whipped  in  to  vote 
for  a  candidate  whom  he  believes  to  be  personally  disqualified 
for  the  presidency  on  the  ground  that  a  party  ought  to  be  sus- 
tained. No  honest  Republican  would  sustain  his  party  for  such 
a  reason,  and  the  honest  Republicans  who  propose  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Elaine  will  do  so  because  they  do  not  believe,  as  the  .pro- 
testing Republicans  do  believe,  that  he  made  his  official  action 
subserve  a  personal  advantage.  Nothing  is  more  hopeless  than 
an  attempt  to  persuade  such  Republicans  to  sustain  their  party 
by  voting  for  an  unworthy  candidate.  Should  they  help  to 
reward  such  a  candidate  'by  conferring  upon  him  the  highest 
official  honor  in  the  world,  they  could  not  reasonably  expect  the 
nomination  of  a  worthier  candidate  at  the  next  election,  and 
they  could  not  consistently  oppose  the  election  of  any  candidate 
whom  their  party  might  select.  The  time  to  defeat  unfit  nom- 
inations is  when  they  are  made,  not  next  time.  The  nomina- 
tion of  Governor  Cleveland  is  due  not  so  much  to  the  prefer- 
ence of  his  party  as  to  the  general  demand  of  the  country  for 
a  candidacy  which  stands  for  precisely  the  qualities  and  services 
which  are  associated  with  his  name. 


j2  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

The  New  York  Times,  formerly  a  strong  Repub- 
lican organ,  appeared  the  next  day  after  the  nomi- 
nation with  this  argument :  — 

With  Governor  Cleveland  as  its  candidate  the  Democratic 
party  appeals  with  unmistakable  directness  to  the  moral  sense 
of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Shall  the  next  President  be 
a  man  who  has  weakly  yielded  to  temptation  or  a  man  who  has 
unswervingly  adhered  to  the  right  against  powerful  enticements 
to  do  wrong  ?  A  man  who  begs  pecuniary  rewards  of  those  his 
official  action  has  enriched,  or  one  who  defies  corrupt  dictation 
and  seeks  only  by  just  courses  to  deserve  the  approval  of  right- 
thinking  men  ?  A  candidate  attacked,  impeached,  tainted,  and 
besmirched  all  over,  or  a  candidate  beyond  reproach  ?  A  Gro- 
ver  Cleveland,  whom  honest  men  respect,  or  a  James  G.  Elaine, 
whom  rogues  love  ? 

This  is  the  supreme  issue.  It  is  this  which  the  voters  of  the 
republic  are  to  decide.  It  is  not  the  issue  of  protection  ;  free 
trade  has  nothing  to  do  with  it :  there  is  no  admixture  of  foreign 
policy  or  the  want  of  foreign  policy  ;  insincere  professions  can- 
not put  it  aside ;  the  glare  of  a  boasted  torchlight  brilliancy  will 
not  outshine  it.  The  sober  sense  of  an  intelligent  electorate, 
the  honest  convictions  and  the  patriotism  of  ten  millions  of 
voters  are  appealed  to,  and  they  will  settle  this  question  conclu- 
sively and  for  the  right. 

It  is  not  only  in  what  he  clearly  represents,  but  in  what  he 
distinctly  opposes,  that  Grover  Cleveland  is  strong  before  the 
American  people.  His  career  has  made  him  the  exponent  of 
clean  and  honest  politics.  In  the  administration  of  public 
trusts  he  has  shown  that  he  is  superior  to  partisan  bias,  indiffer- 
ent to  such  party  interests  as  are  in  conflict  with  official  probity 
and  the  public  welfare.  He  has  been  severely  tried  in  the  im- 
portant and  responsible  post  he  now  occupies.  He  has  resisted 
the  importunities  of  designing  politicians,  he  has  defeated  the 
purposes  of  selfish  schemers.  All  those  members  of  his  own 
party  who  are  not  absorbed  in  private  aims  which  are  in  con- 
flict with  the  public  good  are  outspoken  in  his  praise ;  and  he 
has  won  the  good  opinion  of  all  Republicans  who  are  not  so  far 
gone  in  partisanship  as  to  have  lost  the  power  to  commend  up- 
right conduct  in  a  political  adversary. 


GROVE R   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


73 


Favored  as  he  is  by  the  right-thinking  elements  of  both  the 
Democratic  and  Republican  parties,  it  is  a  noteworthy  and 
potent  advantage  to  Grover  Cleveland  as  a  candidate  that  he 
has  incurred  the  bitter  hostility  of  the  worthless,  disreputable, 
and  dangerous  members  of  his  own  party.  Tammany  hates 
him.  Butler  sees  no  good  in  him.  Could  a  candidate  find 
stronger  recommendation  than  this  in  the  opinion  of  voters 
whose  political  action  is  shaped  solely  by  considerations  of 
public  welfare  ?  The  official  acts  which  have  won  for  Governor 
Cleveland  the  intense  hostility  of  Tammany  are  the  very  acts 
which  have  most  strongly  commended  him  to  the  support  of  in- 
dependent Republicans.  The  favor  of  these  two  classes,  of  a 
wholly  corrupt  and  selfish  guerilla  contingent  within  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  of  men  with  whom  plain  common  sense  and 
the  most  ordinary  form  of  political  honesty  are  controlling 
influences,  no  one  man,  be  he  ever  so  skilful  in  the  art  of  bal- 
ancing, can  hope  or  wish  to  possess.  Grover  Cleveland  had 
not  been  one  month  in  office  as  Governor  of  the  State  of  New 
York  before  he  had  decided  in  his  own  mind  and  had  made 
plain  to  all  observers  that  his  official  action  was  to  be  guided 
solely  by  his  own  intelligent  judgment  of  what  the  public  inter- 
est demanded.  And  that  is,  above  all,  the  safe  and  the  saving 
policy  for  a  President  of  the  United  States. 

No  Democrat  with  whom  patriotism  is  not  subordinated  to 
private  grudges  will  withhold  his  vote  from  Grover  Cleveland. 
Of  Republicans  those  who  are  entirely  satisfied  that  Elaine  and 
Logan  faithfully  represent  the  principles  upon  which  the  party 
that  preserved  the  Union  was  founded  will  doubtless  vote 
against  him.  Those  of  the  Republican  faith  who  are  repelled 
by  the  most  unwise  choice  made  at  Chicago  last  month  will  find 
no  difficulty  in  voting  for  him,  since  he  is  one  of  the  best  repre- 
sentatives now  to  be  found  in  public  life  of  those  administrative 
principles  and  reforms  to  which  they  are  committed.  A  Demo- 
crat who  has  made  enemies  of  the  disreputable  elements  of  his 
own  party  is  not  greatly  to  be  feared  by  Republicans,  even  when 
he  is  a  candidate  for  the  presidency. 

The  Times  will  heartily  support  Governor  Cleveland.  In 
opposing  Mr.  Elaine  it.  finds  itself  already  upon  impregnable 
ground  and  in  excellent  company.  It  has  closely  watched  the 
career  of  the  candidate  nominated  at  Chicago  yesterday,  and  it 
has  entire  confidence  in  his  probity,  in  his  intelligence,  and  in 


74 


THE   PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 


his  administrative  ability.     He  ought  to  be  the  next  President 
of  the  United  States,  and  we  believe  he  will  be. 

The  New  York  Evening  Post  said,  later  on  :  — 

Of  the  kind  of  experience  which  the  present  situation  in 
national  affairs  most  imperatively  calls  for,  experience  in  admin- 
istration, Cleveland  has  more  than  any  one  who  has  entered  the 
White  House  since  1860,  more  than  any  man  whom  either  party 
has  nominated  within  that  period,  except  Seymour  and  Tilden 
—  more  than  Lincoln,  more  than  Gariield,  more  than  Arthur. 
He  laid  at  the  start  that  best  of  all  foundations  for  American 
statesmanship  by  becoming  a  good  lawyer.  He  began  his 
executive  career  by  being  a  good  county  sheriff.  He  was  next 
intrusted  with  the  administration  of  a  great  city —  as  severe  a 
test  of  a  man's  capacity  in  dealing  with  men  and  affairs  as  any 
American  in  our  time  can  undergo.  In  both  offices  he  gave 
boundless  satisfaction  to  his  fellow-citizens  of  both  parties. 
His  nomination  for  the  governorship  of  this  State  came  in  due 
course,  and  at  a  crisis  in  State  affairs  which  very  closely  resem- 
bled that  which  we  are  now  witnessing  in  national  affairs.  His 
election  by  an  unprecedented  majority  is  no.v  an  old  story.  It 
was  the  beginning  of  a  revolution.  It  was  the  first  thorough 
fright  the  tricky  and  jobbing  element  in  politics  ever  received 
here.  It  for  the  first  time  in  their  experience  gave  reform  an 
air  of  reality.  But  it  might,  had  Cleveland  proved  a  weak 
or  incompetent  man,  have  turned  out  a  very  bad  blow  for  pure 
politics. 

Luckily  he  justified  all  the  expectations  and  even  all  the 
hopes  of  those  who  voted  for  him.  No  friend  of  good  govern- 
ment, who,  in  disregard  of  party  ties,  cast  his  vote  for  him,  has 
had  reason  to  regret  it  for  one  moment.  He  is  in  truth  a 
Democrat  of  the  better  age  of  the  Democratic  party,  when  it 
was  a  party  of  simplicity  and  economy,  and  might  almost  have 
put  its  platform  into  the  golden  rule  of  giving  every  man  his 
due,  minding  your  own  business,  and  asking  nothing  of  gov- 
ernment but  light  taxes  and  security  in  the  field  and  by  the 
fireside.  No  one  who  has  entered  the  White  House  for  half  a 
century,  except  Lincoln  in  his  second  term,  has  offered  such 
solid  guarantees  that  as  President  he  will  do  his  own  thinking 
and  be  his  own  master  in  the  things  which  pertain  to  the 
Presidency. 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


75 


At  a  meeting  of  the  "  Independents "  in  New 
York,  July  22,  1884,  the  following  remarks  were 
made  by  George  William  Curtis  :  — 

Upon  the  practical  questions  of  tariff  and  finance,  and 
other  questions  upon  which  both  parties  are  divided  within 
themselves,  we  also  are  divided  in  opinion.  We  shall  vote 
therefore  in  the  choice  of  representatives  and  other  officers 
according  to  our  individual  opinions  of  their  political  views  and 
their  personal  character.  Divided  on  other  questions,  we  are 
united  in  conviction  that  the  fountain  of  office  and  honor 
should  be  pure,  and  that  the  highest  office  in  the  country  should 
be  filled  by  a  man  of  absolutely  unsuspected  integrity.  As 
there  is  no  distinctive  issue  upon  public  policy  presented  for 
the  consideration  of  the  country,  the  character  of  the  candi- 
dates becomes  of  the  highest  importance  with  all  citizens  who 
do  not  hold  that  party  victory  should  be  secured  at  any  cost. 
While  the  Republican  nomination  presents  a  candidate  whom 
we  cannot  support,  the  Democratic  party  presents  one  whose 
name  is  the  synonym  of  political  courage  and  honesty  and  of 
administrative  reform.  He  has  discharged  every  official  trust 
with  sole  regard  to  the  public  welfare  and  with  just  disregard 
of  mere  partisan  and  personal  advantage,  which,  with  the 
applause  and  confidence  of  both  parties,  have  raised  him  from 
the  chief  executive  administration  of  a  great  city  to  that  of  a 
great  State.  His  reserved,  intelligent,  and  sincere  support  of 
reform  in  the  civil  service  has  firmly  established  that  reform 
in  the  State  and  the  cities  of  New  York  ;  and  his  personal 
convictions,  proved  by  his  official  acts,  more  decisive  than  any 
possible  platform  declaration,  are  the  guarantee  that  in  its 
spirit  and  in  its  letter  the  reform  would  be  enforced  in  the 
national  administration.  His  high  sense  of  duty,  his  absolute 
and  unchallenged  official  integrity,  his  inflexible  courage  in 
resisting  party  pressure  and  public  outcry,  his  great  experience 
in  the  details  of  administration,  and  his  commanding  executive 
ability  and  independence,  are  precisely  the  qualities  which  the 
political  situation  demands  in  the  chief  executive  officer  of 
the  government,  to  resist  corporate  monopoly  on  the  one  hand 
and  demagogue  communism  on  the  other,  and  at  home  and 
abroad,  without  menace  or  fear,  to  protect  every  right  of 


76  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

American  citizens,  and  to  respect  every  right  of  friendly  States 
by  making  political  morality  and  private  honesty  the  basis  of 
constitutional  administration.  He  is  a  Democrat  who  is  hap- 
pily free  from  all  association  with  the  fierce  party  differences 
of  the  slavery  contest,  and  whose  financial  views  are  in  har- 
mony with  those  of  the  best  men  in  both  parties ;  and  coming 
ijito  public  prominence  at  a  time  when  official  purity,  courage, 
and  character  are  of  chief  importance,  he  presents  the  qualities 
and  the  promise  which  independent  voters  desire,  and  which 
a  great  body  of  Republicans,  believing  those  qualities  to  be 
absolutely  indispensable  in  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment at  this  time,  do  not  find  in  the  candidate  of  their  own 
party. 

Such  independent  voters  do  not  propose  to  ally  themselves 
inextricably  with  any  party.  Such  Republicans  do  not  propose 
to  abandon  the  Republican  party  nor  to  merge  themselves  in 
any  other  party,  but  they  do  propose  to  aid  in  defeating  a 
Republican  nomination  which,  not  for  reasons  of  expediency 
only,  but  for  high  moral  and  patriotic  considerations,  with  a 
due  regard  for  the  Republican  name  and  for  the  American 
character,  was  unfit  to  be  made.  They  desire  not  to  evade  the 
proper  responsibility  of  American  citizens  by  declining  to  vote, 
and  they  desire  also  to  make  their  votes  as  effective  as  possible 
for  honest  and  pure  and  wise  administration.  How  can  such 
voters,  who  at  this  election  cannot  conscientiously  support  the 
Republican  candidate,  promote  the  objects  which  they  desire 
to  accomplish  more  surely  than  by  supporting  the  candidate 
who  represents  the  qualities,  the  spirit,  and  the  purpose  which 
they  all  agree  in  believing  to  be  of  controlling  importance  in 
this  election  ?  No  citizen  can  rightfully  avoid  the  issue  or 
refuse  to  cast  his  vote.  The  ballot  is  a  trust.  Every  voter  is 
a  trustee  for  good  government,  bound  to  answer  to  his  private 
conscience  for  his  public  acts.  This  conference,  therefore, 
assuming  that  Republicans  and  independent  voters  who  for  any 
reason  cannot  sustain  the  Republican  nomination  desire  to 
take  the  course  which,  under  the  necessary  conditions  and 
constitutional  methods  of  a  presidential  election,  will  most 
readily  and  surely  secure  the  result  at  which  they  aim,  respect- 
fully recommend  to  all  such  citizens  to  support  the  electors 
who  will  vote  for  Grover  Cleveland,  in  order  most  effectually 
to  enforce  their  conviction  that  nothing  could  more  deeply 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


77 


stain  the  American  name,  and  prove  more  disastrous  to  the 
public  welfare,  than  the  deliberate  indifference  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States  to  increasing  public  corruption,  and  to 
the  want  of  official  integrity  in  the  highest  trusts  of  the 
government. 

For  the  next  three  months  this  country  was  in  the 
throes  of  a  presidential  election,  James  G.  Elaine 
being  the  nominee  of  the  Republican  party.  The 
result  is  well  known.  Grover  Cleveland  was  elected 
President  of  the  United  States  by  a  plurality  of  the 
popular  vote  of  69,806.  He  received  219  electoral 
votes,  against  182  cast  for  Mr.  Elaine.  This  result 
was  received  with  much  gratification  by  the  entire 
nation,  and  public  opinion,  when  expressed  without 
partisan  bias,  is  a  unit  as  to  the  solid  advantages  to 
this  country  derived  from  the  election  of  Grover 
Cleveland.  One  question  of  importance  was  soon 
settled  by  Mr.  Cleveland. 

After  the  election  in  December,  1884,  the  Na- 
tional Civil  Service  Reform  League  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  President,  intended  to  draw  from  him 
more  explicitly  a  statement  of  his  views  in  regard  to 
civil  service  reform.  To  this  Mr.  Cleveland  returned 
a  reply,  dated  December  25,  in  which  he  declared 
himself  pledged  to  a  "fair  and  honest  enforcement" 
of  the  civil  service  law,  both  because  of  his  "  con- 
ception of  true  Democratic  faith  and  public  duty," 
which  required  "  that  this  and  all  other  statutes 
should  be  in  good  faith  and  without  evasion  en- 
forced." But  he  added  a  voluntary  promise  to 
enlarge  and  extend  the  scope  and  operation  of  the 
actual  statute,  as  follows  :  — 

"There  is  a  class  of  government  positions  which 


78  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

are  not  within  the  letter  of  the  civil  service  statute, 
but  which  are  so  disconnected  with  the  policy  of  an 
administration  that  the  removal  therefrom  of  present 
incumbents,  in  my  opinion,  should  not  be  made 
during  the  terms  for  which  they  were  appointed 
solely  on  partisan  grounds,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
putting  in  their  places  those  who  are  in  political 
accord  with  the  appointing  power.  But  many  now 
holding  such  positions  have  forfeited  all  just  claim 
to  retention,  because  they  have  used  their  places  for 
party  purposes,  in  disregard  of  their  duty  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  because,  instead  of  being  decent  public 
servants,  they  have  proved  themselves  offensive  par- 
tisans and  unscrupulous  manipulators  of  local  party 
management.  The  lessons  of  the  past  should  be 
unlearned,  and  such  officials,  as  well  as  their  suc- 
cessors, should  be  taught  that  efficiency,  fitness,  and 
devotion  to  public  duty  are  the  conditions  of  their 
continuance  in  public  place,  and  that  the  quiet  and 
unobtrusive  exercise  of  individual  political  rights  is 
the  reasonable  measure  of  their  party  service." 

In  April,  1885,  Mr.  Cleveland  highly  gratified  the 
true  friends  of  civil  service  reform  by  appointing 
Henry  G.  Pearson,  the  Republican  incumbent,  for 
a  full  term  as  postmaster  of  New  York.  This 
appointment  in  the  public  interest  was  made  in  the 
face  of  a  party  pressure  and  a  party  denunciation 
which  few  men  would  have  had  the  strength  to  resist, 
and  the  act  was  regarded  not  only  as  a  proof  of  Mr. 
Cleveland's  firmness  and  courage,  but  as  a  guarantee 
that  he  would  adhere  to  his  civil  service  reform 
pledges. 

Prior  to    the   election    of   Cleveland    there   were 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


79 


many  phases  of  public  opinion  as  to  his  views  in 
relation  to  civil  service,  and,  as  his  election  was 
largely  due  to  the  unanimity  of  the  Independent 
party  in  casting  their  votes  with  the  Democrats,  it  is 
perhaps  as  well  to  give  here  the  reasons  which 
brought  this  about,  as  presented  by  Carl  Schurz,  a 
prominent  Independent. 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  CARL  SCHURZ  BEFORE  THE  MEETING  OF 
INDEPENDENT  VOTERS,  BROOKLYN,   AUGUST  5,  1884. 

.  .  .  The  Democratic  party  has  never  presented  a  candi- 
date whom  any  friend  of  good  government,  Democrat  or 
Republican,  could  see  step  into  the  presidential  chair  with  a 
greater  feeling  of  security  than  Grover  Cleveland.  This  time, 
therefore,  is  uncommonly  propitious  for  a  change  of  power,  on 
account  of  the  safety  with  which  it  can  be  effected.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Elaine's  advocates  loudly  complain  that  Governor  Cleve- 
land is  not  a  statesman.  It  must  be  admitted  that  he  is  not  a 
statesman  in  the  Elaine  sense.  If  he  were,  it  would  be  danger- 
ou^  to  vote  for  him.  He  has  evidently  not  the  genius  to  be  all 
things  to  everybody.  He  is  not  magnetic  enough  to  draw 
every  rascal  to  his  support.  He  will  probably  be  cold  enough 
to  freeze  every  job  out  of  the  White  House.  He  is  not  brill- 
iant enough  to  cover  the  whole  world  with  flighty  schemes. 
But,  unless  I  am  much  mistaken,  he  possesses  very  much  of 
that  kind  of  statesmanship  which  is  now  especially  required, 
and  for  which  Mr.  Elaine  has  conspicuously  disqualified  himself. 
And  that  is  the  statesmanship  of  honest  and  efficient  adminis- 
tration. What  is  the  kind  of  business  which  under  present  cir- 
cumstances the  executive  branch  of  the  national  government 
has  to  attend  to  ?  It  is  in  the  main  administrative  business.  It 
is  to  see  to  it  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  and  efficiently  executed, 
and,  to  that  end,  to  introduce  and  maintain  honest  and  efficient 
methods  for  the  execution  of  the  laws,  and  to  enforce  the 
necessary  responsibility.  This  is  administration,  and  this  is 
under  present  circumstances  the  principal  business  of  the 
executive.  No  flighty  genius,  therefore,  is  required  to  make 
business  for  the  government ;  but  what  we  want  is  solid  ability 


go  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

and  courageous  integrity  to  see  to  it  that  the  business  which  is 
found  there  be  well  done. 

Of  this  kind  of  statesmanship  Mr.  Cleveland,  as  all  who 
have  impartially  observed  his  career  will  admit,  possesses  in  a 
high  degree  the  instinct,  and  now  also  the  experience.  When 
he  entered  upon  his  duties  as  mayor  of  Buffalo,  a  few  years  ago, 
he  said,  "  It  seems  to  me  that  a  successful  and  faithful  ministra- 
tion of  the  government  of  a  city  may  be  accomplished  by  con- 
stantly bearing  in  mind  that  we  are  the  trustees  and  agents  of 
our  fellow-citizens,  holding  their  funds  in  sacred  trust  to  be 
expended  for  their  benefit ;  that  we  should  at  all  times  be  pre- 
pared to  render  an  honest  account  to  them  touching  the  manner 
of  its  expenditure  ;  and  that  the  affairs  of  the  city  should  be 
conducted  as  far  as  possible  upon  the  same  principles  as  a  good 
business  man  manages  his  private  concerns."  You  may  say 
that  this  is  neither  very  brilliant  nor  quite  original.  But  it  con- 
tains after  all  the  fundamental  principles  of  honest  and  efficient 
administration,  applicable  not  only  to  a  city,  but  to  a  State  and 
to  the  nation.  And  when  a  public  man  coming  into  power 
speaks  such  words,  and  fully  understands  what  they  mean,  and 
has  the  ability  and  courage  to  give  them  full  effect,  he  pos- 
sesses a  statesmanship  for  executive  office  infinitely  more  valua- 
ble to  the  country  than  Mr.  Elaine's  statesmanlike  skill  and 
experience  in  making  himself  "useful  in  various  channels," 
and  being  a  deadhead  in  none. 

And  that  Mr.  Cleveland  did  understand  the  meaning  of 
what  he  said,  and  was  determined  to  carry  it  out,  he  showed 
sometimes  in  a  way  which  astonished  the  natives.  Here  is  an 
instance  :  When  the  city  council  of  Buffalo,  composed  of  Dem- 
ocrats and  Republicans,  had  passed  a  resolution  approving  an 
extravagant  contract  for  street-cleaning,  his  veto  message  con- 
tained the  following  language  :  "  This  is  a  time  for  plain  speech. 
I  withhold  my  assent  from  the  same  [the  resolution]  because  I 
regard  it  as  the  culmination  of  a  most  barefaced,  impudent,  and 
shameless  scheme  to  betray  the  interests  of  the  people  and  to 
worse  than  squander  the  public  money.  I  will  not  be  misun- 
derstood in  this  matter.  There  are  those  whose  votes  were 
given  for  this  resolution  whom  I  cannot  and  will  not  suspect  of 
a  wilful  neglect  of  the  interests  they  are  sworn  to  protect ;  but 
it  has  been  fully  demonstrated  that  there  are  influences, 
both  in  and  about  your  honorable  body,  which  it  behooves 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  gj 

every  honest  man  to  watch  and  avoid  with  the  greatest  care." 
This  meant  as  plainly  as  parliamentary  language  could  express 
it  :  "  Gentlemen,  there  are  some  scoundrels  among  you.  I 
know  it.  And  I  want  you  to  know  that  I  know  it,  and  that  I 
watch  you,  and  that  your  schemes  will  not  succeed  as  long  as  I 
am  here."  I  like  that  kind  of  statesmanship.  The  taxpayers 
of  Buffalo  liked  it.  The  people  of  the  State  soon  showed  that 
they  liked  it.  And  I  think  the  people  of  the  United  States 
would  like  it  too,  the  knaves  always  excepted. 

Mr.  Cleveland  had  never  been  a  professed  civil  service  re- 
former. But  he  soon  showed  that  he  understood  and  adopted 
the  vital  principles  of  civil  service  reform  by  instinct.  He  said 
in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  when  nominated  for  the  governor- 
ship, "  Subordinates  in  public  place  should  be  selected  and  re- 
tained for  their  efficiency,  and  not  because  they  may  be  used  to 
accomplish  partisan  ends.  The  people  have  a  right  to  demand 
here,  as  in  cases  of  private  employment,  that  their  money  be 
paid  to  those  who  will  render  the  best  service  in  return,  and 
that  the  appointment  to  and  tenure  of  such  places  should  depend 
upon  ability  and  merit."  This  is  the  whole  in  a  nutshell.  And 
he  not  only  understood  it  and  said  it,  but  he  acted  accordingly 
when  in  power,  for  he  favored  and  signed  and  faithfully  helped 
to  execute  the  Civil  Service  Act  for  the  State  of  New  York, 
which  embodies  just  these  principles,  although  he  knew  that  it 
cut  off  the  loaves  and  fishes  of  public  spoil  in  a  great  measure 
from  his  own  party.  But  more.  He  said  in  the  same  letter 
of  acceptance,  "The  expenditure  of  money  to  influence  the 
action  of  the  people  at  the  polls,  or  to  secure  legislation,  is  cal- 
culated to  excite  the  gravest  concern.  It  is  useless  and  foolish 
to  shut  our  eyes  to  the  fact  that  this  evil  exists  among  us,  and 
the  party  which  leads  in  an  honest  effort  to  return  to  better  and 
purer  methods  will  receive  the  confidence  of  our  citizens  and 
secure  their  support."  Having  said  this,  he  favored  and  signed 
a  prohibition  of  political  assessments  in  the  civil  service  of  New 
York,  although  he  knew  that  this  measure  would  most  severely 
curtail  the  electioneering  funds  of  his  own  party. 

As  a  member  of  the  Civil  Service  Reform  Association,  I  may 
say  that,  when  we  prepared  and  urged  a  legislative  reform  meas- 
ure, we  never  inquired  whether  Governor  Cleveland,  although  a 
Democrat,  would  sign  it,  because  we  knew  he  would  if  it  was  a 
good  one.  When  the  citizens  of  New  York  City  sought  to  cor- 


82  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

rect  the  crying  abuses  of  their  municipal  government,  they,  too, 
always  counted  with  the  same  confidence  upon  the  Governor,  no 
matter  whether  the  Democratic  or  the  Republican  party  might 
be  hurt  by  a  measure  of  true  reform,  and  that  confidence  was 
always  justified.  And,  by  the  way,  it  is  rather  a  shabby  piece 
of  business  that  some  of  the  gentlemen  who  leaned  upon  the 
Governor  as  one  of  their  principal  pillars  of  strength,  and  were 
then  full  of  praise  of  him  for  his  courageous  resistance  to  party 
pressure,  should  "throw  paltry  quibbles  at  him  since  he  has  be- 
come a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  Had  he  not  been  nomi- 
nated, it  would  have  been  said  that  the  unbending  courage  for 
the  right  with  which  he  resisted  pressure  coming  from  his  own 
party  was  the  very  thing  that  defeated  him.  It  was,  indeed,  the 
thing  which  made  his  enemies  hate  him  so  bitterly.  But  take 
his  whole  record.  When  he  ceased  to  be  mayor  of  Buffalo,  a 
Republican  paper  said,  "  Yesterday  Buffalo  lost  the  best  mayor 
she  ever  had."  When  he  ceases  to  be  Governor,  to  become 
President  of  the  United  States,  these  very  gentlemen  will  say, 
"  New  York  never  had  a  more  efficient  Governor  than  this." 

Mr.  Cleveland  resigned  his  office  as  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York  upon  the  meeting  of  the 
State  Legislature,  January  6,  1885,  but  continued  his 
residence  in  Albany.  The  intervening  period  be- 
tween his  resignation  as  Governor  and  his  inaugu- 
ration as  President  was  occupied  in  receiving  visits 
from  many  of  the  leading  men  of  the  Democratic 
party.  On  February  27,  1885,  a  letter  of  Mr.  Cleve- 
land was  published  in  reply  to  one  signed  by  sev- 
eral members  of  Congress.  In  this  letter  he  indi- 
cated his  opposition  to  an  increased  coinage  of  silver, 
and  suggested  a  suspension  of  the  purchase  and 
coinage  of  that  metal  as  a  measure  of  safety,  in 
order  to  prevent  a  financial  crisis  and  the  ultimate 
expulsion  of  gold  and  silver.  His  inaugural  address 
was  written  during  the  ten  days  previous  to  his 
departure  for  Washington.  On  the  evenino-  of 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  83 

March  2,  1885,  Grover  Cleveland  quietly  left  Albany, 
accompanied  by  his  two  sisters,  Daniel  Manning,  and 
Colonel  Daniel  S.  Lament,  arriving  in  Washington 
at  7  A.  M.  On  the  following  day  he  went  to  the 
Capitol  with  President  Arthur,  and,  after  the  usual 
preliminaries  had  been  completed,  he  delivered  his 
inaugural  address  from  the  steps  of  the  Capitol,  on 
March  4,  1885,  as  follows  :  — 

INAUGURAL    ADDRESS. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS,  —  In  the  presence  of  this  vast  assemblage 
of  my  countrymen  I  am  about  to  supplement,  and  seal  by  the 
oath  which  I  shall  take,  the  manifestation  of  the  will  of  a  great 
and  free  people.  In  the  exercise  of  their  power,  and  the  right 
of  self-government,  they  have  committed  to  one  of  their  fellow- 
citizens  a  supreme  and  sacred  trust,  and  he  here  consecrates 
himself  to  their  service.  This  impressive  ceremony  adds  little 
to  the  solemn  sense  of  responsibility  with  which  I  contemplate 
the  duty  I  owe  to  all  the  people  of  the  land.  Nothing  can  relieve 
me  from  anxiety  lest  by  any  act  of  mine  their  interests  may 
suffer,  and  nothing  is  needed  to  strengthen  my  resolution  to 
engage  every  faculty  and  effort  in  the  promotion  of  their  wel- 
fare. 

Amid  the  din  of  party  strife,  the  people's  choice  was  made, 
but  its  attendant  circumstances  .have  demonstrated  anew  the 
strength  and  safety  of  a  government  by  the  people.  In  each 
succeeding  year  it  more  clearly  appears  that  our  democratic 
principle  needs  no  apology,  and  that  in  its  fearless  and  faithful 
application  is  to  be  found  the  surest  guarantee  of  good  govern- 
ment. But  the  best  results  in  the  operation  of  a  government 
wherein  every  citizen  has  a  share  largely  depend  upon  a  proper 
limitation  of  purely  partisan  zeal  and  effort,  and  a  correct  ap- 
preciation of  the  time  when  the  heat  of  the  partisan  should  be 
merged  in  the  patriotism  of  the  citizen. 

To-day  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  is  transferred 
to  new  keeping.  But  this  is  still  the  government  of  all  the 
people,  and  it  should  be  none  the  less  an  object  of  their  affec- 
tionate solicitude.  At  this  hour  the  animosities  of  political 


84 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


strife,  the  bitterness  of  partisan  defeat,  and  the  exultation  of 
partisan  triumph,  should  be  supplanted  by  an  ungrudging 
acquiescence  in  the  popular  will,  and  a  sober  conscientious  con- 
cern for  the  general  weal.  Moreover,  if  from  this  hour  we 
cheerfully  and  honestly  abandon  all  sectional  prejudice  and 
distrust,  and  determine,  with  manly  confidence  in  one  another, 
to  work  out  harmoniously  the  achievements  of  our  national 
destiny,  we  shall  deserve  to  realize  all  the  benefits  which  out 
happy  form  of  government  can  bestow. 

On  this  auspicious  occasion  we  may  well  renew  the  pledge  of 
our  devotion  to  the  Constitution,  which,  launched  by  the  found- 
ers of  the  republic  and  consecrated  by  their  prayers  and  pa- 
triotic devotion,  has  for  almost  a  century  borne  the  hopes  and 
aspirations  of  a  great  people  through  prosperity  and  peace,  and 
through  the  shock  of  foreign  conflicts  and  the  perils  of  domes- 
tic strife  and  vicissitudes.  By  the  father  of  his  country  our 
Constitution  was  commended  for  adoption,  as  "  the  result  of  a 
spirit  of  amity  and  mutual  concession."  In  that  same  spirit  it- 
should  be  administered,  in  order  to  promote  the  lasting  welfare 
of  the  country,  and  to  secure  the  full  measure  of  its  priceless 
benefits  to  us  and  to  those  who  will  succeed  to  the  blessings  of 
our  national  life.  The  large  variety  of  diverse  and  competing 
interests  subject  to  federal  control,  persistently  seeking  the 
recognition  of  their  claims,  need  give  us  no  fear  that  "  the 
greatest  good  to  the  greatest  number  "  will  fail  to  be  accom- 
plished if  in  the  halls  of  national  legislation  that  spirit  of 
amity  and  mutual  concession  shall  prevail  in  which  the  Consti- 
tution had  its  birth.  If  this  involves  the  surrender  or  post- 
ponement of  private  interests,  and  the  abandonment  of  local 
advantages,  compensation  will  be  found  in  the  assurance  that 
thus  the  common  interest  is  subserved  and  the  general  welfare 
advanced. 

In  the  discharge  of  my  official  duty  I  shall  endeavor  to  be 
guided  by  a  just  and  unstrained  construction  of  the  Constitution, 
a  careful  observance  of  the  distinction  between  the  powers 
granted  to  the  federal  government  and  those  reserved  to  the 
State  or  to  the  people,  and  by  a  cautious  appreciation  of  those 
functions  which  by  the  Constitution  and  laws  have  been  espe- 
cially assigned  to  the  executive  branch  of  the  government.  But 
he  who  takes  the  oath  to-day  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  only  assumes  the  solemn 


GROVER   CLEVELAND   AS  PRESIDENT.  §5 

obligation  which  every  patriotic  citizen  —  on  the  farm,  in  the 
workshop,  in  the  busy  marts  of  trade,  and  everywhere  —  should 
share  with  him.  The  Constitution  which  prescribes  his  oath, 
my  countrymen,  is  yours,  the  government  you  have  chosen  him 
to  administer  for  a  time  is  yours,  the  suffrage  which  executes 
the  will  of  freemen  is  yours,  the  laws  and  the  entire  scheme  of 
our  civil  rule  — from  the  town  meeting  to  the  State  capitol  and 
the  national  capitol  —  is  yours.  Your  every  voter,  as  surely  as 
your  chief  magistrate,  —  under  the  same  high  sanction,  though  in 
a  different  sphere, — exercises  a  public  trust.  Nor  is  this  all. 
Every  citizen  owes  to  the  country  a  vigilant  watch  and  close 
scrutiny  of  its  public  servants,  and  a  fair  and  reasonable  esti- 
mate of  their  fidelity  and  usefulness.  Thus  is  the  people's  will 
impressed  upon  the  whole  framework  of  our  civil  polity,  —  muni- 
cipal, State,  and  federal,  —  and  this  is  the  price  of  our  liberty 
and  the  inspiration  of  our  faith  in  the  republic.  It  is  the  duty 
of  those  serving  the  people  in  public  place  to  closely  limit  pub- 
lic expenditures  to  the  actual  needs  of  the  government,  econom- 
ically administered,  because  this  bounds  the  right  of  the  govern- 
ment to  exact  tribute  from  the  earnings  of  labor  or  the  property 
of  the  citizen,  and  because  public  extravagance  begets  extrava- 
gance among  the  people.  We  should  never  be  ashamed  of  the 
simplicity  and  prudential  economies  which  are  best  suited  to  the 
operation  of  a  republican  form  of  government  and  most  com- 
patible with  the  mission  of  the  American  people.  Those  who 
are  selected  for  a  limited  time  to  manage  public  affairs  are  still 
of  the  people,  and  may  do  much  by  their  example  to  encourage, 
consistently  with  the  dignity  of  their  official  functions,  that  plain 
way  of  life  which  among  their  fellow-citizens  aids  integrity  and 
promotes  thrift  and  prosperity. 

FOREIGN    POLICY. 

The  genius  of  our  institutions,  the  needs  of  our  people  in 
their  home  life,  and  the  attention  which  is  demanded  for  the 
settlement  and  development  of  the  resources  of  our  vast  terri- 
tory, dictate  the  scrupulous  avoidance  of  any  departure  from 
tha.t  foreign  policy  commended  by  the  history,  the  traditions, 
and  the  prosperity  of  our  republic.  It  is  the  policy  of  indepen- 
dence favored  by  our  position  and  defended  by  our  known  love 
of  justice  and  by  our  power.  It  is  the  policy  of  peace  suit- 


86  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

able  to  our  interests.  It  is  the  policy  of  neutrality,  rejecting 
any  share-  in  foreign  broils  and  ambitions  upon  other  conti- 
nents, and  repelling  their  intrusion  here.  It  is  the  policy  of 
Monroe  and  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  —  "  Peace,  commerce, 
and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations ;  entangling  alliance  with 
none." 

FINANCIAL    POLICY. 

A  due  regard  for  the  interests  and  prosperity  of  all  the 
people  demands  that  our  finances  shall  be  established  upon 
such  a  sound  and  sensible  basis  as  will  secure  the  safety  and 
confidence  of  business  interests,  and  make  the  wage  of  labor 
sure  and  steady,  and  that  our  system  of  revenue  shall  be  so 
adjusted  as  to  relieve  the  people  of  unnecessary  taxation,  having 
a  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  capital  invested  and  working- 
men  employed  in  American  industries,  and  preventing  the 
accumulation  of  a  surplus  in  the  treasury  to  tempt  extravagance 
and  waste.  Care  for  the  property  of  the  nation  and  for  the 
needs  oHiuture  settlers  requires  that  the  public  domain  should 
be  protected  from  purloining  schemes  and  unlawful  occupa- 
tion. 

INDIAN    POLICY. 

The  convenience  of  the  people  demands  that  the  Indians 
within  our  boundaries  shall  be  fairly  and  honestly  treated  as 
wards  of  the  government,  and  their  education  and  civilization 
promoted  with  a  view  to  their  ultimate  citizenship,  and  that 
polygamy  in  the  Territories,  destructive  of  the  family  relations 
and  offensive  to  the  moral  sense  of  the  civilized  world,  shall  be 
repressed.  The  laws  should  be  rigidly  enforced  which  prohibit 
the  immigration  of  a  servile  class  to  compete  with  American 
labor,  with  no  intention  of  acquiring  citizenship,  and  bringing 
with  them  and  retaining  habits  and  customs  repugnant  to  our 
civilization. 

CIVIL   SERVICE   REFORM. 

The  people  demand  reform  in  the  administration  of  the 
government,  and  the  application  of  business  principles  to  public 
affairs.  As  a  means  to  this  end,  civil  service  reform  should  be 
in  good  faith  enforced.  Our  citizens  have  the  right  to  protec- 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  g/ 

tion  from  the  incompetency  of  public  employes,  who  hold  their 
places  solely  as  the  reward  of  partisan  service,  and  from  the 
corrupting  influence  of  those  who  promise  and  the  vicious 
methods  of  those  who  expect  such  rewards.  And  those  who 
worthily  seek  public  employment  have  the  right  to  insist  that 
merit  and  competency  shall  be  recognized,  instead  of  party  sub- 
serviency or  the  surrender  of  honest  political  belief. 

THE    FREEDMEN. 

In  1;he  administration  of  a  government  pledged  to  do  equal 
and  exact  justice  to  all  men  there  should  be  no  pretext  for 
anxiety  touching  the  protection  of  the  freedmen  in  their  rights 
or  their  security  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  privileges  under  the 
Constitution  and  its  amendments.  All  discussion  as  to  their 
fitness  for  the  place  accorded  to  them  as  American  citizens  is 
idle  and  unprofitable  except  as  it  suggests  the  necessity  for 
their  improvement.  The  fact  that  they  are  citizens  entitles 
them  to  all  the  rights  due  to  that  relation,  and  charges  them 
with  all  its  duties,  obligations,  and  responsibilities. 

CLOSING   REMARKS. 

These  topics  and  the  constant  and  ever  varying  wants  of  an 
active  and  enterprising  population  may  well  receive  the  atten- 
tion and  the  patriotic  endeavors  of  all  who  make  and  execute 
the  federal  law.  Our  duties  are  practical,  and  call  for  indus- 
trious application,  an  intelligent  perception  of  the  claims  for 
public  office,  and,  above  all,  a  firm  determination  by  united 
action  to  secure  to  all  the  people  of  the  land  the  full  benefits  of 
the  best  form  of  government  ever  vouchsafed  to  man.  And  let 
us  not  trust  to  human  effort  alone,  but,  humbly  acknowledging 
the  power  and  goodness  of  Almighty  God,  who  presides  over  the 
destiny  of  nations,  and  who  has  at  all  times  been  revealed  in 
our  country's  history,  let  us  invoke  his  aid  and  his  blessing 
upon  our  labors. 

This  admirable  presentation  of  the  views  of 
Grover  Cleveland  was  accepted  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States  as  his  programme  for  their  govern- 
ment, and  the  result  of  his  administration  has  been 


88  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

unanimously  admitted  to  be  full  evidence  of  the 
wisdom  of  his  judgment  and  his  honest  intentions  to 
do  all  in  his  power  to  carry  out  the  views  thus  pre- 
sented. On  the  I3th  of  March  he  issued  a  procla- 
mation in  reference  to  the  removal  of  unlawful  white 
intruders  from  Oklahoma,  Indian  Territory.  He 
ordered  a  naval  expedition  for  the  protection  of 
American  citizens  at  Aspinwall.  By  his  instruction 
General  Sheridan  visited  the  Indian  Territory  to 
report  upon  the  condition  of  the  various  tribes  who 
were  threatening  war  with  each  other.  In  the 
interest  of  the  great  agricultural  population  of  the 
West,  on  the  loth  of  August,  1885,  the  President 
issued  an  order  warning  all  cattle-graziers  to  remove 
all  fences.  On  the  8th  of  December,  1885,  Grover 
Cleveland  issued  his  first  message  to  Congress,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  first  session  of  the  Forty-ninth 
Congress.  We  have  only  room  for  some  of  the 
special  matters  referred  to  by  the  President.  Our 
relations  with  foreign  nations  were  all  friendly.  The 
attention  of  Congress  was  specially  called  to  the 
importance  of  our  diplomatic  and  consular  service, 
with  suggestions  for  its  improvement ;  also  to  the 
prohibitory  duties  upon  paintings  by  foreign  artists, 
with  a  recommendation  that  they  should  be  abol- 
ished. 

OUR    REVENUES. 

The  fact  that  our  revenues  are  in  excess  of  the  actual  needs 
of  an  economical  administration  of  the  government  justifies  a 
reduction  in  the  amount  exacted  from  the  people  for  its  support. 
Our  government  is  but  the  means  established  by  the  will  of  a 
free  people,  by  which  certain  principles  are  applied  which  they 
have  adopted  for  their  benefit  and  protection ;  and  it  is  never 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


89 


better  administered,  and  its  true  spirit  is  never  better  observed, 
than  when  the  people's  taxation  for  its  support  is  scrupulously 
limited  to  the  actual  necessity  of  expenditure,  and  distributed 
according  to  a  just  and  equitable  plan. 

The  proposition  with  which  we  have  to  deal  is  the  reduction 
of  the  revenue  received  by  the  government  and  indirectly 
paid  by  the  people  from  customs  duties.  The  question  of 
free  trade  is  not  involved,  nor  is  there  now  any  occasion  for  the 
general  discussion  of  the  wisdom  or  expediency  of  a  protective 
system. 

Justice  and  fairness  dictate  that,  in  any  modification  of  our 
present  laws  relating  to  revenue,  the  industries  and  interests 
which  have  been  encouraged  by  such  laws,  and  in  which  our 
citizens  have  large  investments,  should  not  be  ruthlessly  injured 
or  destroyed.  We  should  also  deal  with  the  subject  in  such 
manner  as  to  protect  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which 
is  the  capital  of  our  workingtnen ;  its  stability  and  proper 
remuneration  furnish  the  most  justifiable  pretext  for  a  protective 
policy. 

Within  these  limitations  a  certain  reduction  should  be  made 
in  our  customs  revenue.  The  amount  of  such  reduction  having 
been  determined,  the  inquiry  follows,  where  can  it  best  be  re- 
mitted, and  what  articles  can  best  be  released  from  duty,  in  the 
interest  of  our  citizens  ? 

I  think  the  reduction  should  be  made  in  the  revenue  derived 
from  a  tax  upon  the  imported  necessaries  of  life.  We  thus 
directly  lessen  the  cost  of  living  in  every  family  of  the  land,  and 
release  to  the  people  in  every  humble  home  a  larger  measure  of 
the  rewards  of  frugal  industry. 

OUR  NAVY. 

All  must  admit  the  importance  of  an  effective  navy  to  a 
nation  like  ours,  having  such  an  extended  seacoast  to  protect. 
And  yet  we  have  not  a  single  vessel  of  war  that  could  keep  the 
seas  against  a  first-class  vessel  of  any  important  power.  Such 
a  condition  ought  not  longer  to  continue.  The  nation  that 
cannot  resist  aggression  is  constantly  exposed  to  it.  Its  foreign 
policy  is  of  necessity  weak,  and  its  negotiations  are  conducted 
with  disadvantage,  because  it  is  not  in  condition  to  enforce  the 
terms  dictated  by  its  sense  of  right  and  justice. 


GO  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 

Inspired,  as  I  am,  by  the  hope,  shared  by  all  patriotic  citizens, 
that  the  day  is  not  very  far  distant  when  our  navy  will  be  such 
as  befits  our  standing  among  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  re- 
joiced at  every  step  that  leads  in  the  direction  of  such  a  con- 
summation, I  deem  it  my  duty  to  especially  direct  the  attention 
of  Congress  to  the  close  of  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  in  which  the  humiliating  weakness  of  the  present  organi- 
zation of  his  department  is  exhibited,  and  the  startling  abuses 
and  waste  of  its  present  methods  are  exposed.  The  conviction 
is  forced  upon  us,  with  the  certainty  of  mathematical  demonstra- 
tion, that,  before  we  proced  further  in  the  restoration  of  a  navy, 
we  need  a  thoroughly  reorganized  Navy  Department.  The  fact 
that  within  seventeen  years  more  than  seventy-five  millions  of 
dollars  have  been  spent  in  the  construction,  repair,  equipment, 
and  armament  of  vessels,  and  the  further  fact  that,  instead  of  an 
effective  and  creditable  fleet,  we  have  only  the  discontent  and 
apprehension  of  a  nation  undefended  by  war  vessels,  added  to 
the  disclosures  now  made,  do  not  permit  us  to  doubt  that  every 
attempt  to  revive  our  navy  has  thus  far,  for  the  most  part,  been 
misdirected,  and  all  our  efforts  in  that  direction  have  been  little 
better  than  blind  gropings  and  expensive,  aimless  follies. 

Unquestionably,  if  we  are  content  with  the  maintenance  of  a 
Navy  Department  simply  as  a  shabby  ornament  to  the  govern- 
ment, a  constant  watchfulness  may  prevent  some  of  the  scandal 
and  abuse  which  have  found  their  way  into  our  present  organiza- 
tion, and  its  incurable  waste  may  be  reduced  to  the  minimum. 
But  if  we  desire  to  build  ships  for  present  usefulness,  instead  of 
naval  reminders  of  the  days  that  are  past,  we  must  have  a 
department  organized  for  the  work,  supplied  with  all  the  talent 
and  ingenuity  our  country  affords,  prepared  to  take  advantage 
of  the  experience  of  other  nations,  systematized  so  that  all  effort 
shall  unite  and  lead  in  one  direction,  and  fully  imbued  with  the 
conviction  that  war  vessels,  though  new,  are  useless  unless  they 
combine  all  that  the  ingenuity  of  man  has  up  to  this  day  brought 
forth  relating  to  their  construction. 

I  earnestly  commend  the  portion  of  the  secretary's  report 
devoted  to  this  subject  to  the  attention  of  Congress,  in  the 
hope  that  his  suggestions  touching  the  reorganization  of  his 
department  may  be  adopted  as  the  first  step  toward  the  recon* 
struction  of  our  navy. 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


OUR    INDIANS. 

They  are  within  the  care  of  our  government,  and  their  rights 
are,  or  should  be,  protected  from  invasion  by  the  most  solemn 
obligations.  They  are  properly  enough  called  the  wards  of  the 
government;  and  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  guardian- 
ship involves,  on  our  part,  efforts  for  the  improvement  of  their 
condition  and  the  enforcement  of  their  rights.  There  seems  to 
be  general  concurrence  in  the  proposition  that  the  ultimate 
object  of  their  treatment  should  be  their  civilization  and  citizen- 
ship. Fitted  by  these  to  keep  pace  in  the  march  of  progress 
with  the  advanced  civilization  about  them,  they  will  readily 
assimilate  with  the  mass  of  our  population,  assuming  the 
responsibilities  and  receiving  the  protection  incident  to  this 
condition. 


OUR   LANDS. 

It  is  not  for  the  "  common  benefit  of  the  United  States  "  that 
a  large  area  of  the  public  lands  should  be  acquired,  directly  or 
through  fraud,  in  the  hands  of  a  single  individual.  The  nation's 
strength  is  in  the  people.  The  nation's  prosperity  is  in  their 
prosperity.  The  nation's  glory  is  in  the  equality  of  her  justice. 
The  nation's  perpetuity  is  in  the  patriotism  of  all  her  people. 
Hence,  as  far  as  practicable,  the  plan  adopted  in  the  disposal 
of  the  public  lands  should  have  in  view  the  original  policy, 
which  encouraged  many  purchasers  of  these  lands  for  homes, 
and  discouraged  the  massing  of  large  areas.  Exclusive  of 
Alaska,  about  three-fifths  of  the  national  domain  has  been 
sold,  or  subjected  to  contract  or  grant.  Of  the  remaining  two- 
fifths,  a  considerable  portion  is  either  mountain  or  desert.  A 
rapidly  increasing  population  creates  a  growing  demand  for 
homes,  and  the  accumulation  of  wealth  inspires  an  eager  com- 
petition to  obtain  the  public  land  for  speculative  purposes.  In 
the  future,  this  collision  of  interests  will  be  more  marked  than 
in  the  past,  and  the  execution  pf'trhe  nation's  trust,  in  behalf  of 
our  settlers,  will  be.ihore  difficult.  I  therefore  commend  to 
your  attention  the  recommendations  contained  in  the  report  of 
the  Secretary  of  th^T  Interior  with  reference  to  the  repeal  and 
modification  of  certain  of  our  land  laws. 


92 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


OUR    SOLDIERS. 


While  there  is  no  expenditure  of  the  public  funds  which  the 
people  more  cheerfully  'approve  than  that  made  in  recognition 
of  the  services  of  our  soldiers,  living  and  dead,  the  sentiment 
underlying  the  subject  should  not  be  vitiated  by  the  introduc- 
tion of  any  fraudulent  practices.  Therefore  it  is  fully  as 
important  that  the  rolls  should  be  cleansed  of  all  those  who  by 
fraud  have  secured  a  place  thereon  as  that  meritorious  claims 
should  be  speedily  examined  and  adjusted.  The  reforms  in  the 
methods  of  doing  the  business  of  this  bureau  which  have  lately 
been  inaugurated  promise  better  results  in  both  these  directions. 

OUR  HOMES. 

The  strength,  the  perpetuity,  and  the  destiny  of  the  nation 
rest  upon  our  homes,  established  by  the  law  of  God,  guarded  by 
parental  care,  regulated  by  parental  authority,  and  sanctified 
by  parental  love. 

These  are  not  the  homes  of  polygamy. 

The  mothers  of  our  land,  who  rule  the  nation  as  they  mould 
the  characters  and  guide  the  actions  of  their  sons,  live  accord- 
ing to  God's  holy  ordinances,  and  each,  secure  and  happy  in  the 
exclusive  love  of  the  father  of  her  children,  sheds  the  warm 
light  of  true  womanhood,  unperverted  and  unpolluted,  upon  all 
within  her  pure  and  wholesome  family  circle. 

These  are  not  the  cheerless,  crushed,  and  unwomanly  mothers 
of  polygamy. 

The  fathers  of  our  families  are  the  best  citizens  of  the 
republic.  Wife  and  children  are  the  sources  of  patriotism, 
and  conjugal  and  parental  affection  beget  devotion  to  the  coun- 
try. The  man  who,  undefiled  with  plural  marriage,  is  sur- 
rounded in  his  single  home  with  his  wife  and  children  has 
a  stake  in  the  country  which  inspires  him  with  respect  for  its 
laws  and  courage  for  its  defence. 

These  are  not  the  fathers  of  polygamous  families. 

There  is  no  feature  of  this  practice,  or  the  system  which  sanc- 
tions it,  which  is  not  opposed  to  all  that  is  of  value  in  our  insti- 
tutions. 

There  should  be  no  relaxation  in  the  firm  but  just  execution 
of  the  law  now  in  operation,  and  I  should* be  glad  to  approve 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


93 


such  further  discreet  legislation  as  will  rid  the  country  of  this 
blot  upon  its  fair  fame. 

Since  the  people  upholding  polygamy  in  our  Territories  are 
reenforced  by  immigration  from  other  lands,  I  recommend  that 
a  law  be  passed  to  prevent  the  importation  of  Mormons  into  the 
country.  .  .  . 

OUR    FARMERS. 

The  agricultural  interest  of  the  country  demands  just  recog- 
nition and  liberal  encouragement.  It  sustains  with  certainty 
and  unfailing  strength  our  nation's  prosperity  by  the  products 
of  its  steady  toil,  and  bears  its  full  share  of  the  burden  of  taxa- 
tion without  complaint.  Our  agriculturists  have  but  slight 
personal  representation  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  and  are 
generally  content  with  the  humbler  duties  of  citizenship,  and 
willing  to  trust  to  the  bounty  of  nature  for  a  reward  of  their 
labor.  But  the  magnitude  and  value  of  this  industry  is  appre- 
ciated when  the  statement  is  made  that  of  our  total  annual 
exports  more  than  three-fourths  are  the  products  of  agriculture, 
and  of  our  total  population  nearly  one-half  are  exclusively 
engaged  in  that  occupation.  .  .  . 

CIVIL    SERVICE    REFORM. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  there  is  no  sentiment  more  general 
in  the  minds  of  the  people  of  our  country  than  a  conviction  of 
the  correctness  of  the  principle  upon  which  the  law  enforcing 
civil  service  reform  is  based.  In  its  present  condition,  the  law 
regulates  only  a  part  of  the  subordinate  public  positions  through- 
out the  country.  It  applies  the  test  of  fitness  to  applicants  for 
these  places  by  means  of  a  competitive  examination,  and  gives 
large  discretion  to  the  commissioners  as  to  the  character  of  the 
examination,  and  many  other  matters  connected  with  its  execu- 
tion. Thus  the  rules  and  regulations  adopted  by  the  commis- 
sion have  much  to  do  with  the  practical  usefulness  of  the 
statute,  and  with  the  results  of  its  application. 

The  people  may  well  trust  the  commission  to  execute  the  law 
with  perfect  fairness  and  with  as  little  irritation  as  is  possible. 
But  of  course  no  relaxation  of  the  principle  which  underlies  it, 
and  no  weakening  of  the  safeguards  which  surround  it,  can  be 
expected.  Experience  in  its  administration  will  probably  sug- 


94 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


gest  amendment  of  the  methods  of  its  execution,  but  I  venture 
to  hope  that  we  shall  never  again  be  remitted  to  the  system 
which  distributes  public  positions  purely  as  rewards  for  partisan 
service.  Doubts  may  well  be  entertained  whether  our  govern- 
ment could  survive  the  strain  of  a  continuance  of  this  system, 
which,  upon  every  change  of  administration,  inspires  an  immense 
army  of  claimants  for  office  to  lay  siege  to  the  patronage  of  gov- 
ernment, engrossing  the  time  of  public  officers  with  their  impor- 
tunities, spreading  abroad  the  contagion  of  their  disappointment, 
and  filling  the  air  with  the  tumult  of  their  discontent.  .  .  . 

CONCLUSION. 

In  conclusion,  I  commend  to  the  wise  care  and  thoughtful 
attention  of  Congress  the  needs,  the  welfare,  and  the  aspira- 
tions of  an  intelligent  and  generous  nation.  To  subordinate 
these  to  the  narrow  advantages  of  partisanship  or  the  accom- 
plishment of  selfish  aims  is  to  violate  the  people's  trust  and  be- 
tray the  people's  interests.  But  an  individual  sense  of  responsi- 
bility on  the  part  of  each  of  us,  and  a  stern  determination  to 
perform  our  duty  well,  must  give  us  place  among  those  who  have 
added  in  their  day  and  generation  to  the  glory  and  prosperity  of 
our  beloved  land. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 
WASHINGTON,  December  8,  1885. 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  the  President  kept  con- 
stantly in  view  all  the  points  suggested  in  his  inau- 
gural address,  and  a  perusal  of  this  work  will 
indicate,  beyond  contradiction,  a  consistent  follow- 
ing out  of  his  own  convictions  as  to  what  was  best 
for  the  interests  of  the  nation.  On  June  2,  1886, 
Grover  Cleveland  was  married  to  Frances  Folsom. 
It  is  eminently  right  and  proper  that  some  allusion 
should  be  made  to  an  event  which  has  added  so 
much  to  the  power  of  the  executive.  While  the 
President  has  secured  to  himself  the  esteem  and  ad- 
miration of  his  fellow-citizens  for  his  thoroughly 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


95 


honest  and  common-sense  policy  of  administrating 
the  affairs  of  the  nation,  Mrs.  Cleveland  has  secured 
our  hearts ;  in  her  presence  partisanship  is  at  an 
end,  and  there  is  but  one  unanimous  feeling  of  love 
and  affection  for  her,  from  one  extreme  of  this  great 
land  to  the  other.  On  the  6th  of  December,  1886, 
the  President  delivered  his  second  annual  message 
to  Congress,  and  from  the  tenor  of  the  following 
selections  it  will  be  seen  that  his  persistence  in  the 
plans  promulgated  in  his  inaugural  had  already  pro- 
duced good  results. 

OUR    FOREIGN    POLICY. 

Our  government  has  consistently  maintained  its  relations  of 
friendship  toward  all  other  powers,  and  of  neighborly  interest 
toward  those  whose  possessions  are  contiguous  to  our  own. 
Few  questions  have  arisen  during  the  past  year  with  other  gov- 
ernments, and  none  of  those  are  beyond  the  reach  of  settlement 
in  friendly  counsel.  .  .  . 

Cases  have  continued  to  occur  in  Germany,  giving  rise  to 
much  correspondence  in  relation  to  the  privilege  of  sojourn  of 
our  naturalized  citizens  of  German  origin  revisiting  the  land  of 
their  birth,  yet  I  am  happy  to  state  that  our  relations  with  that 
country  have  lost  none  of  their  accustomed  cordiality.  .  .  . 

A  treaty  of  extradition  between  the  United  States  and  Japan, 
the  first  concluded  by  that  empire,  has  been  lately  pro- 
claimed  

The  encouraging  development  of  beneficial  and  intimate 
relations  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  which  has 
been"  so  marked  within  the  past  few  years,  is  at  once  the  occa- 
sion of  congratulation  and  of  friendly  solicitude.  I  urgently 
renew  my  former  representation  of  the  need  of  speedy  legisla- 
tion by  Congress  to  carry  into  effect  the  Reciprocity  Commercial 
Convention  of  January  20,  1883. 

Our  commercial  treaty  of  1831  with  Mexico  was  terminated, 
according  to  its  provisions  in  1881,  upon  notification  given  by 
Mexico,  in  pursuance  of  her  announced  policy  of  recasting  all 
her  commercial  treaties.  Mexico  has  since  concluded  with  sev- 


96 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET, 


eral  foreign  governments  new  treaties  of  commerce  and  naviga- 
tion, defining  alien  rights  of  trade,  property,  and  residence, 
treatment  of  shipping,  consular  privileges,  and  the  like.  Our 
yet  unexecuted  Reciprocity  Convention  of  1883  covers  none  of 
these  points,  the  settlement  of  which  is  so  necessary  to  good 
relationship.  I  propose  to  initiate  with  Mexico  negotiations  for 
a  new  and  enlarged  treaty  of  commerce  and  navigation.  .  .  . 

OUR   CONSULAR   SERVICE. 

Pursuant  to  a  provision  of  the  diplomatic  and  consular  appro- 
priation act,  approved  July  i,  1886,  the  estimates  submitted  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  for  the  maintenance  of  the  consular  ser- 
vice have  been  recast,  on  the  basis  of  salaries  for  all  officers  to 
whom  such  allowance  is  deemed  advisable.  Advantage  has 
been  taken  of  this  to  redistribute  the  salaries  of  the  offices  now 
appropriated  for,  in  accordance  with  the  work  performed,  the 
importance  of  the  representative  duties  of  the  incumbent,  and 
the  cost  of  living  at  each  post.  The  last  consideration  has  been 
too  often  lost  sight  of  in  the  allowances  heretofore  made.  The 
compensation  which  may  suffice  for  the  decent  maintenance  of  a 
worthy  and  capable  officer  in  a  position  of  onerous  and  repre- 
sentative trust  at  a  post  readily  accessible,  and  where  the  neces- 
saries of  life  are  abundant  and  cheap,  may  prove  an  inadequate 
pittance  in  distant  lands,  where  the  better  part  of  a  year's  pay  is 
consumed  in  reaching  the  post  of  duty,  and  where  the  comforts 
of  ordinary  civilized  existence  can  only  be  obtained  with  diffi- 
culty and  at  exorbitant  cost.  I  trust  that,  in  considering  the 
submitted  schedules,  no  mistaken  theory  of  economy  will  per- 
petuate a  system  which  in  the  past  has  virtually  closed  to  de- 
serving talent  many  offices  where  capacity  and  attainments  of  a 
high  order  are  indispensable,  and  in  not  a  few  instances  has 
brought  discredit  on  our  national  character,  and  entailed  em- 
barrassment and  even  suffering  on  those  deputed  to  uphold  our 
dignity  and  interests  abroad. 

In  connection  with  this  subject,  I  earnestly  reiterate  the 
practical  necessity  of  supplying  some  mode  of  trustworthy 
inspection  and  report  of  the  manner  in  which  the  consulates 
are  conducted.  In  the  absence  of  such  reliable  information, 
efficiency  can  scarcely  be  rewarded,  or  its  opposite  cor- 
rected. . 


G ROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


OUR    REVENUES. 


97 


In  my  last  annual  message  to  Congress,  attention  was 
directed  to  the  fact  that  the  revenues  of  the  government  ex- 
ceeded its  actual  needs  ;  and  it  was  suggested  that  legislative 
action  should  be  taken  to  relieve  the  people  from  the  unneces- 
sary burden  of  taxation  thus  made  apparent. 

In  view  of  the  pressing  importance  of  the  subject,  I  deem  it 
my  duty  to  again  urge  its  consideration.  .  .  . 

In  readjusting  the  burdens  of  federal  taxation,  a  sound  pub- 
lic policy  requires  that  such  of  our  citizens  as  have  built  up 
large  and  important  industries  under  present  conditions  should 
not  be  suddenly  and  to  their  injury  deprived  of  advantages  to 
which  they  have  adapted  their  business ;  but,  if  the  public  good 
requires  it,  they  should  be  content  with  such  consideration  as 
shall  deal  fairly  and  cautiously  with  their  interests,  while  the 
just  demand  of  the  people  for  relief  from  needless  taxation  is 
honestly  answered. 

A  reasonable  and  timely  submission  to  such  a  demand  should 
certainly  be  possible  without  disastrous  shock  to  any  interest ; 
and  a  cheerful  concession  sometimes  averts  abrupt  and  heed- 
less action,  often  the  outgrowth  of  impatience  and  delayed 
justice. 

THE   LABOR   QUESTION. 

Due  regard  should  be  also  accorded,  in  any  proposed  read- 
justment, to  the  interests  of  American  labor  so  far  as  they  are 
involved.  We  congratulate  ourselves  that  there  is  among  us  no 
laboring  class,  fixed  within  unyielding  bounds  and  doomed 
under  all  conditions  to  the  inexorable  fate  of  daily  toil.  We 
recognize  in  labor  a  chief  factor  in  the  wealth  of  the  republic, 
and  we  treat  those  who  have  it  in  their  keeping  as  citizens  en- 
titled to  the  most  careful  regard  and  thoughtful  attention.  This 
regard  and  attention  should  be  awarded  them  not  only  because 
labor  is  the  capital  of  our  workingmen,  justly  entitled  to  its 
share  of  government  favor,  but  for  the  further  and  not  less  im- 
portant reason  that  the  laboring  man  surrounded  by  his  family 
in  his  humble  home,  as  a  consumer,  is  vitally  interested  in  all 
that  cheapens  the  cost  of  living  and  enables  him  to  bring 
within  his  domestic  circle  additional  comforts  and  advantages. 

This  relation  of  the  workingman  to  the  revenue  laws  of  the 


98 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


country,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  palpably  influences  the 
question  of  wages,  should  not  be  forgotten  in  the  justifiable 
prominence  given  to  the  proper  maintenance  of  the  supply  and 
protection  of  well  paid  labor.  And  these  considerations  suggest 
such  an  arrangement  of  government  revenues  as  shall  reduce 
the  expense  of  living,  while  it  does  not  curtail  the  opportunity 
for  work  or  reduce  the  compensation  of  American  labor,  and 
injuriously  affect  its  condition  and  the  dignified  place  it  holds 
in  the  estimation  of  our  people.  .  .  . 

I  recommend  that,  keeping  in  view  all  these  considerations, 
the  increasing  and  unnecessary  surplus  of  national  income 
annually  accumulating  be  released  to  the  people,  by  an  amend- 
ment to  our  revenue  laws,  which  shall  cheapen  the  price  of  the 
necessaries  of  life  and  give  freer  entrance  to  such  imported 
materials  as  by  American  labor  may  be  manufactured  into  mar- 
ketable commodities. 

Nothing  can  be  accomplished,  however,  in  the  direction  of 
this  much  needed  reform,  unless  the  subject  is  approached  in  a 
patriotic  spirit  of  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  entire  country 
and  with  a  willingness  to  yield  something  for  the  public 
good.  .  .  . 

OUR   FORTIFICATIONS. 

The  defenceless  condition  of  our  seacoast  and  lake  frontier 
is  perfectly  palpable ;  the  examinations  made  must  convince  us 
all  that  certain  of  our  cities,  named  in  the  report  of  the  board, 
should  be  fortified,  and  that  work  on  the  most  important  of 
these  fortifications  should  be  commenced  at  once  ;  the  work  has 
been  thoroughly  considered  and  laid  out,  the  Secretary  of  War 
reports,  but  all  is  delayed  in  default  of  Congressional 
action.  .  .  . 

OUR    INDIANS. 

The  exhibit  made  of  the  condition  of  our  Indian  population 
and  the  progress  of  the  work  for  their  enlightenment,  notwith- 
standing the  many  embarrassments  which  hinder  the  better  ad- 
ministration of  this  important  branch  of  the  service,  is  a  grati- 
fying and  hopeful  one.  .  .  . 

There  is  less  opposition  to  the  education  and  training  of  the 
Indian  youth,  as  shown  by  the  increased  attendance  upon  the 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT. 


99 


schools,  and  there  is  a  yielding  tendency  for  the  individual 
holding  of  lands.  Development  and  advancement  in  these 
directions  are  essential,  and  should  have  every  encouragement. 
As  the  rising  generation  are  taught  the  language  of  civilization 
and  trained  in  habits  of  industry,  they  should  assume  the  duties, 
privileges,  and  responsibilities  of  citizenship. 

No  obstacle  should  hinder  the  location  and  settlement  of  any 
Indian  willing  to  take  land  in  severalty  ;  on  the  contrary,  the 
inclination  to  do  so  should  be  stimulated  at  all  times  when 
proper  and  expedient.  But  there  is  no  authority  of  law  for 
making  allotments  on  some  of  the  reservations,  and  on  others 
the  allotments  provided  for  are  so  small  that  the  Indians,  though 
ready  and  desiring  to  settle  down,  are  not  willing  to  accept 
such  small  areas,  when  their  reservations  contain  ample  lands 
to  afford  them  homesteads  of  sufficient  size  to  meet  their  present 
and  future  needs.  .  .  . 

OUR    SOLDIERS. 

The  American  people,  with  a  patriotic  and  grateful  regard 
for  our  ex-soldiers, —  too  broad  and  too  sacred  to  be  monopolized 
by  any  special  advocates,  —  are  not  only  willing  but  anxious 
that  equal  and  exact  justice  should  be  done  to  all  honest 
claimants  for  pensions.  In  their  sight  the  friendless  and  desti- 
tute soldier,  dependent  on  public  charity,  if  otherwise  entitled, 
has  precisely  the  same  right  to  share  in  the  provision  made  for 
those  who  fought  their  country's  battles  as  those  better  able, 
through  friends  and  influence,  to  push  their  claims.  Every 
pension  that  is  granted  under  our  present  plan  upon  any  other 
grounds  than  actual  service  and  injury  or  disease  incurred  in 
such  service,  and  every  instance  of  the  many  in  which  pensions 
are  increased  on  other  grounds  than  the  merits  of  the  claim, 
work  an  injustice  to  the  brave  and  crippled,  but  poor  and  friend- 
less soldier  who  is  entirely  neglected  or  who  must  be  content 
with  the  smallest  sum  allowed  under  general  laws.  .  .  . 

CIVIL   SERVICE    REFORM. 

The  continued  operation  of  the  law  relating  to  our  civil  ser- 
vice has  added  the  most  convincing  proofs  of  its  necessity  and 
usefulness.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  note  that  every  public  officer 
who  has  a  just  idea  of  his  duty  to  the  people  testifies  to  the 


I0o  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

value  of  this  reform.  Its  staunchest  friends  are  found  among 
those  who  understand  it  best,  and  its  warmest  supporters  are 
those  who  are  restrained  and  protected  by  its  requirements. 

The  meaning  of  such  restraint  and  protection  is  not  appre- 
ciated by  those  who  want  places  under  the  government,  regard- 
less of  merit  and  efficiency,  nor  by  those  who  insist  that  the 
selection  for  such  places  should  rest  upon  a  proper  credential 
showing  active  partisan  work.  They  mean  to  public  officers,  if 
not  their  lives,  the  only  opportunity  afforded  them  to  attend  to 
public  business,  and  they  mean  to  the  good  people  of  the  coun- 
try»the  better  performance  of  the  work  of  their  government. 

It  is  exceedingly  strange  that  the  scope  and  nature  of  this 
reform  are  so  little  understood,  and  that  so  many  thing^  not  in- 
cluded within  its  plan  are  called  by  its  name.  When  cavil  yields 
more  fully  to  examination,  the  system  will  have  large  additions 
to  the  number  of  its  friends. 

Our  civil  service  reform  may  be  imperfect  in  some  of  its 
details ;  it  may  be  misunderstood  and  opposed  ;  it  may  not 
always  be  faithfully  applied ;  its  designs  may  sometimes  mis- 
carry through  mistake  or  wilful  intent ;  it  may  sometimes  trem- 
ble under  the  assaults  of  its  enemies  or  languish  under  the 
misguided  zeal  of  impractical  friends ;  but  if  the  people  of 
this  country  ever  submit  to  the  banishment  of  its  underlying 
principle  from  the  operation  of  their  government,  they  will 
abandon  the  surest  guarantee  of  the  safety  and  success  of 
American  institutions.  .  .  . 

CONCLUSION. 

In  conclusion,  I  earnestly  invoke  such  wise  action  on  the 
part  of  the  people's  legislators  as  will  subserve  the  public  good 
and  demonstrate  during  the  remaining  days  of  the  Congress  as 
at  present  organized  its  ability  and  inclination  to  so  meet  the 
people's  needs  that  it  shall  be  gratefully  remembered  by  an  ex- 
pectant constituency.  GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

WASHINGTON,  December  6,  1886. 

We  have  in  the  preceding  pages  attempted  to 
give  some  account  of  the  man  in  whose  hands  are 
held  to  a  large  extent  the  welfare  of  this  nation. 
We  have  shown  that  from  his  early  life,  and  through 


GROVER   CLEVELAND  AS  PRESIDENT.  IOi 

his  occupation  of  the  offices  of  mayor,  Governor,  and 
President,  he  has  been  thoroughly  consistent.  While 
holding  the  latter  high  position,  he  has  simply  am- 
plified, in  carrying  out,  the  same  rules  of  government 
which  he  set  forth  as  mayor  and  Governor.  In  all 
his  messages  there  is  the  same  clear  ring :  We,  the 
officers  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  are 
placed  in  power  for  the  good  of  our  country ;  let  the 
result  of  our  administration  prove  to  the  world  our 
ability  as  Democrats  to  secure  the  best  welfare  of 
our  fellow-citizens  in  our  management  of  the  great 
trust  committed  to  our  charge.  Mr.  Cleveland's  great 
popularity  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  he  is  always 
perfectly  candid.  He  impresses  the  people  as  a 
truthful,  practical  man,  who  devotes  himself  con- 
scientiously to  the  discharge  of  his  duties ;  also  as  a 
man  of  moral  courage,  who  \vhen  he  believes  it  is 
right  and  just  to  veto  an  obnoxious  bill  does  not 
hesitate  to  do  it.  All  these  facts  have  led  to  the 
unanimous  renomination  of  Grover  Cleveland  by 
the  Democratic  party,  an  incident  without  precedent 
in  the  history  of  the  country.  The  principle  which 
he  represents  is  the  honest  conduct  of  the  public 
business,  and  that  principle  has  been  conscientiously 
carried  out  through  the  administration  now  drawing 
to  a  close,  so  far  as  the  position  of  the  President  has 
permitted  him  to  act.  The  record  of  this  administra- 
tion is  open  to  the  people,  and,  so  far  as  possible  in 
the  space  allotted,  we  have  endeavored  to  show  that 
the  President  has  been  thoroughly  supported  by  a 
cabinet  in  whose  official  position  there  has  been  but 
little  change  during  his  administration. 


CHAPTER  V. 


THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT. 

All  correspondence  with  the  public  ministers  and 
consuls  of  the  United  States,  all  correspondence 
with  the  representatives  of  foreign  powers  accredit- 
ed to  the  United  States,  and  negotiations  relat- 
ing to  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  United  States, 

O  O 

must  pass  through  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of 
State.  He  is  also  the  medium  of  correspondence 
between  the  President  and  the  chief  executive 
of  the  several  States  of  the  United  States.  To 
him  is  confided  the  custody  of  the  great  seal  of 
the  United  States,  and  he  countersigns  and  affixes 
such  seal  to  all  executive  proclamations,  to  com- 
missions, and  to  warrants  for  pardon  and  the 
extradition  of  fugitives  from  justice.  He  stands  first 
in  rank  among  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  He 
is,  beside,  the  custodian  of  the  treaties  made  with 
foreign  States  and  of  the  laws  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  his  privilege  to  grant  and  issue 
passports,  and  exequaturs  to  foreign  consuls  in 
the  United  States.  He  publishes  the  laws  and  reso- 
lutions of  Congress,  amendments  to  the  Constitu- 

103 


104  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

tion,  and  proclamations  declaring  the  admission 
of  new  States  into  the  Union.  It  is  further  his 
duty  to  publish  certain  annual  reports  to  Congress 
relating  to  commercial  information  received  from 

o 

diplomatic  and  consular  officers  of  the  United 
States.  Indeed,  his  position  in  the  Cabinet  is  very 
important  and  responsible. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 
THOMAS  F.  BAYARD 

creditably  and  honorably  fills  the  high  post  of  Sec- 
retary of  Sate. 

The  Bayard  family  have  been  residents  in  this 
country  for  over  two  hundred  years,  and  trace 
their  descent  from  the  same  family  as  that  of 
Chevalier  Bayard,  the  knight  "  sans  peur  et  sans 
reproche."  Peter  Bayard,  the  direct  ancestor  of  the 
Secretary  of  State,  settled  in  what  is  now  known 
as  the  State  of  Maryland,  where  he  purchased  some 
25,000  acres.  John  Bayard,  grandson  of  Peter,  took 
an  active  part  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  serving  as 
colonel  of  cavalry.  The  historian  Bancroft  refers 
to  him  as  "  a  patriot  of  singular  purity  of  character 
and  disinterestedness."  He  was  later  a  member  of 
the  Continental  Congress. 

Richard  Bassett,  the  great  grandfather  of  our 
present  Secretary  of  State,  was  an  active  patriot  of 
the  Revolution,  and  was  a  delegate  to  the  conven- 
tion that  framed  the  Federal  Constitution,  besides 


THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT.  105 

being  the  first  Senator  elected  to  Congress  from 
the  State  of  Delaware.  He  resigned  his  seat  in  the 
Senate  in  1792. 

James  Ashton  Bayard,  son  of  John,  was  grand- 
father to  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  and  with  him  began 
the  senatorial  line  of  the  family  name  in  Congress. 
He  was  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  old  Fed- 
eral party,  and  was  offered  the  missions  to  both 
France  and  Russia,  but  declined.  He,  however, 
served  as  joint  commissioner  with  Clay,  Gallatin, 
Adams,  and  Russell  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of 
Ghent. 

Richard  H.  Bayard  was  chosen  United  States 
Senator  in  1836.  James  Ashton  Bayard  repre- 
sented Delaware  in  the  Senate  from  1851  to  1864, 
and  retired  in  1869,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
son,  the  subject  of  our  sketch. 

Thomas  F.  Bayard  was  born  at  Wilmington, 
Del.,  October  29,  1828;  was  educated  at  the 
Flushing  school,  established  by  Rev.  Mr.  F.  L. 
Hawks.  His  early  training  was  in  the  direction  of 
a  mercantile  life ;  but  he  preferred  and  studied 
the  profession  of  the  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1851.  With  the  exception  of  two  years  in 
Philadelphia,  Mr.  Bayard  practised  his  profession 
in  his  native  city.  In  1853,  he  was  appointed 
United  States  district  attorney  for  the  State  of 
Delaware,  but  resigned  in  1854.  He  was  elected 
United  States  Senator  from  Delaware  for  the 


I05  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

term  commencing  in  1869  and  ending  in  1875, 
serving  on  the  important  committees  on  Finance, 
Judiciary,  Private  Land  Claims,  and  that  on  the  Re- 
vision of  Laws,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Electoral 
Commission  of  1877.  On  the  same  day  of  his  elec- 
tion his  father,  James  A.  Bayard,  was  also  re-elected 
to  the  Senate  from  the  same  State,  to  fill  an  unexpired 
term,  the  first  and  only  instance  recorded  of  father 
and  son  both  occupying  seats  in  that  august  body. 
Mr.  Bayard  was  re-elected  in  1875,  and  again  in 
1 88 1,  and  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  by  Mr. 
Cleveland  in  1885.  He  was  Senator  from  Dela- 
ware for  sixteen  years,  being  the  oldest  in  contin- 
uous service  of  the  Democratic  Senators.  He  was 
chosen  President  of  the  Senate,  pro  tempore,  Oct. 
10,  iSSi. 

Mr.  Bayard  is  a  man  whose  public  and  pri- 
vate record  is  of  the  purest  and  most  honorable 
character.  As  a  public  speaker,  he  is  always 
listened  to  with  the  greatest  respect  and  interest. 
He  had  achieved  a  reputation  as  a  sound  and  re- 
liable financial  authority,  prior  to  assuming  the 
chair  of  the  State  Department  The  result  of  his 
administration  of  the  State  Department  will  be 
best  understood  from  a  perusal  of  the  following 
facts,  which  are  also  indicative  of  that  complete 
success  in  connection  with  our  foreign  relations 
which  is  so  clearly  shown  in  all  other  Departments 
of  the  Government  under  the  present  Administra- 
tion. 


THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT. 


ID/ 


The  State  Department  is  recognized  as  the 
first  among  the  different  departments,  and  the 
Secretary  of  State,  in  his  position  as  Premier  of  the 
Administration,  enjoys  prerogatives  not  common  to 
other  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  is  charged  with 
special  duties  of  an  official,  ceremonial  and  social 
nature.  He  greets,  in  the  name  of  the  President,  a 
member  of  a  Royal  family  or  Ruler  of  a  foreign 
State  visiting  the  capital.  Is  present  during  his  call 
of  etiquette  and  attends  the  President  in  returning 
the  visit.  He  arranges  the  audiences  accorded 
Diplomatic  Ministers  in  presenting  their  creden- 
tials or  taking  leave. 

The  special  work  of  the  State  Department, 
under  the  able  administration  of  the  present  Secre- 
tary and  during  the  past  three  years  and  a  half,  has 
been  to  secure  through  proper  diplomatic  measures 
a  continuance  of  friendly  relations  with  all  foreign 
Governments ;  to  carefully  guard  the  citizenship  of 
all  native  born  or  naturalized  citizens,  in  whatever 
part  of  the  world  they  may  be ;  to  maintain  our 
rights  whenever  attacked,  as  far  as  they  are  known 
to  be  just  and  based  upon  international  law.  Under 
the  present  Administration,  our  treaty  with  the 
Empire  of  China  has  been  completed  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all  concerned;  and  while  doing  justice  to 
all  honorable  claims  on  the  part  of  the  great  Gov- 
ernment of  the  West,  at  the  same  time  the  com- 
plaints of  our  fellow-citizens  have  been  fairly 


108  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

considered,  and  the  result  obtained  through  the 
work  of  the  State  Department  is  considered  most 
creditable.  The  Fisheries  Treaty,  as  it  is  commonly 
called,  is  the  result  of  the  meeting  of  Commis- 
sioners from  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States, 
who,  after  fairly  and  carefully  considering  all  ques- 
tions before  them,  mutually  agreed  upon  a  treaty 
which  is  now  before  the  United  States  Senate  for 
confirmation.  As  much  curiosity  has  been  expressed 
regarding  this  document,  it  has  been  thought  best 
to  publish  the  views  of  the  President  upon 
the  subject,  as  indicated  in  his  Message  to  the 
Senate,  from  which  the  injunction  of  secrecy  has 
recently  been  removed  and  which  we  now  print  in 
full. 

MESSAGE  FROM  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  TRANS- 
MITTING A  TREATV  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  GREAT 
BRITAIN  CONCERNING  THE  INTERPRETATION  OF  THE  CONVEN- 
TION OF  OCTOBER  20,  1818,  SIGNED  AT  WASHINGTON,  FEBRU- 
ARY 15,  1888. 
To  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  : 

In  my  annual  message  transmitted  to  the  Congress  in  Decem- 
ber, 1886,  it  was  stated  that  negotiations  were  then  pending  for 
the  settlement  of  the  questions  growing  out  of  the  rights  claimed 
by  American  fishermen  in  British  North  American  waters. 

As  a  result  of  such  negotiations,  a  treaty  has  been  agreed 
upon  between  her  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  United  States, 
concluded  and  signed  in  this  capital,  under  my  direction  and 
authority,  on  the  i5th  of  February  instant,  and  which  I  now 
have  the  honor  to  submit  to  the  Senate,  with  the  recommenda- 
tion that  it  shall  receive  the  consent  of  that  body,  as  provided 
in  the  Constitution,  in  order  that  the  ratifications  thereof  may 
be  duly  exchanged  and  the  treaty  be  carried  into  effect. 


THE  STATE   DEPARTMENT. 


IO9 


Shortly  after  Congress  had  adjourned  in  March  last,  and  in 
continuation  of  my  efforts  to  arrive  at  such  an  agreement  between 
the  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  as  would 
secure  to  the  citizens  of  the  respective  countries  the  unmolested 
enjoyment  of  their  just  rights  under  existing  treaties  and  inter- 
national comity  in  the  territorial  waters  of  Canada  and  of  New- 
foundland, I  availed  myself  of  opportune  occurrences  indicative 
of  a  desire  to  make  without  delay  an  amicable  and  final  settle- 
ment of  a  long-standing  controversy  —  productive  of  much 
irritation  and  misunderstanding  between  the  two  nations  —  to 
send  through  our  minister  in  London  proposals  that  a  confer- 
ence should  take  place  on  the  subject  at  this  capital. 

The  experience  of  the  past  two  years  had  demonstrated  the 
dilatory  and  unsatisfactory  consequences  of  our  indirect  tran- 
saction of  business  through  the  foreign  office  in  London,  in 
which  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  Government  of  the  Dominion 
of  Canada  were  practically  predominant,  but  were  only  to  find 
expression  at  second  hand. 

To  obviate  this  inconvenience  and  obstruction  to  prompt  and 
well-defined  settlement,  it  was  considered  advisable  that  the 
negotiations  should  be  conducted  in  this  city,  and  that  the  inter- 
ests of  Canada  and  Newfoundland  should  be  directly  represented 
therein. 

The  terms  of  reference  having  been  duly  agreed  upon  between 
the  two  Governments,  and  the  conference  arranged  to  be  held 
here,  by  virtue  of  the  power  in  me  vested  by  the  Constitution,  I 
duly  authorized  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States,  William  L.  Putnam,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of 
Maine,  and.  James  B.  Angell,  a  citizen  of  the  State  of  Michigan, 
for  and  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  to  meet  and  confer 
with  the  plenipotentiaries  representing  the  Government  of  her 
Britannic  Majesty,  for  the  purpose  of  considering  and  adjusting 
in  a  friendly  spirit  all  or  any  questions  relating  to  rights  of  fishery 
in  the  seas  adjacent  to  British  North  America  and  Newfoundland 
which  were  in  dispute  between  the  Governments  of  the  United 
States  and  that  of  her  Britannic  Majesty,  and  jointly  and  sever- 
ally to  conclude  and  sign  any  treaty  or  treaties  touching  the 
premises  ;  and  I  herewith  transmit  for  your  information  full 
copies  of  the  power  so  given  by  me. 

In  execution  of  the  powers  so  conveyed,  the  said  Thomas  F. 
Bayard,  William  L.  Putnam,  and  James  B.  Angell,  in  the  month 
of  November  last,  met  in  this  city  the  plenipotentiaries  of  her 


I IO  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

Britannic  Majesty,  and  proceeded  in  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty 
as  above  authorized.  After  many  conferences  and  protracted 
efforts  an  agreement  has  at  length  been  arrived  at,  which  is  em- 
bodied in  the  treaty  which  I  now  lay  before  you. 

The  treaty  meets  my  approval,  because  I  believe  that  it  sup- 
plies a  satisfactory,  practical,  and  final  adjustment,  upon  a  basis 
honorable  and  just  to  both  parties,  of  the  difficult  and  vexed 
question  to  which  it  relates. 

,A  review  of  the  history  of  this  question  will  show  that  all 
former  attempts  to  arrive  at  a  common  interpretation,  satisfac- 
tory to  both  parties,  of  the  first  article  of  the  treaty  of  October 
20,  1818,  have  been  unsuccessful;  and  with  the  lapse  of  time 
the  difficulty  and  obscurity  have  only  increased. 

The  negotiations  in  1854,  and  again  in  1871,  ended  in  both 
cases  in  temporary  reciprocal  arrangements  of  the  tariffs  of 
Canada  and  Newfoundland  and  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
payment  of  a  money  award  by  the  United  States,  under  which 
the  real  questions  in  difference  remained  unsettled,  in  abeyance, 
and  ready  to  present  themselves  anew  just  so  soon  as  the  con- 
ventional arrangements  were  abrogated. 

The  situation,  therefore,  remained  unimproved  by  the  results 
of  the  treaty  of  1871,  and  a  grave  condition  of  affairs,  presenting 
almost  identically  the  same  features  and  causes  of  complaint  by 
the  United  States  against  Canadian  action  and  British  default 
in  its  correction,  confronted  us  in  May,  1886,  and  has  continued 
until  the  present  time. 

The  greater  part  of  the  correspondence  which  has  taken  place 
between  the  two  governments  has  heretofore  been  communicated 
to  Congress,  and  at  as  early  a  day  as  possible  I  shall  transmit 
the  remaining  portion  to  this  date,  accompanying  it  with  the 
joint  protocols  of  the  conferences  which  resulted  in  the  conclu- 
sion of  the  treaty  now  submitted  to  you. 

You  will  thus  be  fully  possessed  of  the  record  and  history  of 
the  case  since  the  termination,  on  June  30,  1885,  of  the  fishery- 
articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  of  1871,  whereby  we  were 
relegated  to  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of  October  20,  1818. 

As  the  documents  and  papers  referred  to  will  supply  full  in- 
formation of  the  positions  taken  under  my  administration  by  the 
representatives  of  the  United  States,  as  well  as  those  occupied 
by  the  representatives  of  the  Government  of  Great  Britain,  it  is 
not  considered  necessary  or  expedient  to  repeat  them  in  this 
message.  But  I  believe  the  treaty  will  be  found  to  contain  a 


THE   STATE  DEPARTMENT.  U! 

just,  honorable,  and.  therefore,  satisfactory  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culties which  have  clouded  our  relations  with  our  neighbors  on 
our  northern  border. 

Especially  satisfactory  do  I  believe  the  proposed  arrangement 
will  be  found  by  those  of  our  citizens  who  are  engaged  in  the 
open  sea  fisheries,  adjacent  to  the  Canadian  coast,  and  resorting 
to  those  ports  and  harbors  under  treaty  provisions  and  rules  of 
international  law. 

The  proposed  delimitation  of  the  lines  of  the  exclusive  fish- 
eries from  the  common  fisheries  will  give  certainty  and  security 
as  to  the  area  of  their  legitimate  field  ;  the  headland  theory  of 
imaginary  lines  is  abandoned  by  Great  Britain,  and  the  specifi- 
cation in  the  treaty  of  certain  named  bays  especially  provided 
for  gives  satisfaction  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  shores,  without 
subtracting  materially  from  the  value  or  convenience  of  the 
fishery  rights  of  Americans. 

The  uninterrupted  navigation  of  the  Strait  of  Canso  is  ex- 
pressly and  for  the  first  time  affirmed,  and  the  four  purposes  for 
which  our  fishermen  under  the  treaty  of  1818  were  allowed  to 
enter  the  bays  and  harbors  of  Canada  and  Newfoundland  with- 
in the  belt  of  3  marine  miles  are  placed  under  a  fair  and  liberal 
construction,  and  their  enjoyment  secured  without  such  condi- 
tions and  restrictions  as  in  the  past  have  embarrassed  and  ob- 
structed them  so  seriously. 

The  enforcement  of  penalties  for  unlawfully  fishing  or  pre- 
paring to  fish  within  the  inshore  and  exclusive  waters  of  Canada 
and  Newfoundland  is  to  be  accomplished  under  safe-guards 
against  oppressive  or  arbitrary  action,  thus  protecting  the  defend- 
ant fishermen  from  punishment  in  advance  of  trial,  delays,  and 
inconvenience  and  unnecessary  expense. 

The  history  of  events  in  the  last  two  years  shows  that  no 
feature  of  Canadian  administration  was  more  harassing  and  in- 
jurious than  the  compulsion  upon  our  fishing  vessels  to  make 
formal  entry  and  clearance  on  every  occasion  of  temporarily 
seeking  shelter  in  Canadian  ports  and  harbors. 

Such  inconvenience  is  provided  against  in  the  proposed  treaty, 
and  this  most  frequent  and  just  cause  of  complaint  is  removed. 

The  articles  permitting  our  fishermen  to  obtain  provisions  and 
the  ordinary  supplies  of  trading  vessels  on  their  homeward 
voyages,  and  under  which  they  are  accorded  the  further  and 
even  more  important  privilege  on  all  occasions  of  purchasing 
such  casual  or  needful  provisions  and  supplies  as  are  ordinarily 
granted  to  trading  vessels,  are  of  great  importance  and  value. 


112  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

The  licenses  which  are  to  be  granted  without  charge  and  on  ap- 
plication, in  order  to  enable  our  fishermen  to  enjoy  these  privi- 
leges, are  reasonable  and  proper  checks  in  the  hands  of  the 
local  authorities  to  identify  the  recipients  and  prevent  abuse, 
and  can  form  no  impediment  to  those  who  intend  to  use  them 
fairly. 

The  hospitality  secured  for  our  vessels  in  all  cases  of  actual 
distress,  with  liberty  to  unload  and  sell  and  transship  their 
cargoes,  is  full  and  liberal. 

These  provisions  will  secure  the  substantial  enjoyment  of  the 
treaty  rights  for  our  fishermen  under  the  treaty  of  1818,  for 
which  contention  has  been  steadily  made  in  the  correspondence 
of  the  Department  of  State,  and  our  minister  at  London,  and  by 
the  American  negotiators  of  the  present  treaty. 

The  right  of  our  fishermen  under  the  treaty  of  1818  did  not 
extend  to  the  procurement  of  distinctive  fishery  supplies  in 
Canadian  ports  and  harbors;  and  one  item  supposed  to  be  es- 
sential, to  wit,  bait,  was  plainly  denied  them  by  the  explicit  and 
definite  words  of  the  treaty  of  1818,  emphasized  by  the  course 
of  the  negotiation  and  express  decisions  which  preceded  the 
conclusion  of  that  treaty. 

The  treaty  now  submitted  contains  no  provision  affecting 
tariff  duties,  and,  independently  of  the  position  assumed  upon 
the  part  of  the  United  States  that  no  alteration  in  our  tariff  or 
other  domestic  legislation  could  be  made  as  the  price  or  consid- 
eration of  obtaining  the  rights  of  our  citizens  secured  by  treaty, 
it  was  considered  more  expedient  to  allow  any  change  in  the 
revenue  laws  of  the  United  States  to  be  made  by  the  ordinary 
exercise  of  legislative  will,  and  in  promotion  of  the  public 
interests.  Therefore,  the  addition  to  the  free  list  of  fish,  fish- 
oil,  whale  and  seal  oil,  etc.,  recited  in  the  last  article  of  the 
treaty,  is  wholly  left  to  the  action  of  Congress  ;  and  in  connec- 
tion therewith  the  Canadian  and  Newfoundland  right  to  regulate 
sales  of  bait  and  other  fishing  supplies  within  their  own  juris- 
diction is  recognized,  and  the  right  of  our  fishermen  to  freely 
purchase  these  things  is .  made  contingent,  by  this  treaty,  upon 
the  action  of  Congress  in  the  modification  of  our  tariff  laws. 

Our  social  and  commercial  intercourse  with  those  populations 
who  have  been  placed  upon  our  borders  and  made  forever  our 
neighbors  is  made  apparent  by  a  list  of  United  States  common 
carriers,  marine  and  inland,  connecting  their  lines  with  Canada, 
which  was  returned  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  the 


THE   STATE   DEPARTMENT.  113 

Senate  on  the  7th  day  of  February,  1888,  in  answer  to  a  resolu- 
tion of  that  body ;  and  this  is  instructive  as  to  the  great  volume 
of  mutually  profitable  interchanges  which  has  come  into  existence 
during  the  last  half  century. 

This  intercourse  is  still  but  partially  developed,  and  if  the 
amicable  enterprise  and  wholesome  rivalry  between  the  two 
populations  be  not  obstructed,  the  promise  of  the  future  is  full 
of  the  fruits  of  an  unbounded  prosperity  on  both  sides  of  the 
border. 

The  treaty  now  submitted  to  you  has  been  framed  in  a  spirit 
of  liberal  equity  and  reciprocal  benefits,  in  the  conviction  that 
mutual  advantage  and  convenience  are  the  only  permanent 
foundation  of  peace  and  friendship  between  States,  and  that 
with  the  adoption  of  the  agreement  now  placed,  before  the 
Senate,  a  beneficial  and  satisfactory  intercourse  between  the 
two  countries  will  be  established  so  as  to  secure  perpetual  peace 
and  harmony. 

In  connection  with  the  treaty  herewith  submitted  I  deem  it 
also  my  duty  to  transmit  to  the  Senate  a  written  offer  or  arrange- 
ment, in  the  nature  of  a  modus  vivendi,  tendered  after  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  the  British  plenipotentiaries, 
to  secure  kindly  and  peaceful  relations  during  the  period  that 
may  be  required  for  the  consideration  of  the  treaty  by  the  re- 
spective Governments  and  for  the  enactmemt  of  the  necessary 
legislation  to  carry  its  provisions  into  effect  if  approved. 

This  paper,  freely  and  on  their  own  motion,  signed  by  the 
British  conferees,  not  only  extends  advantages  to  our  fishermen, 
pending  the  ratification  of  the  treaty,  but  appears  to  have  been 
dictated  by  a  friendly  and  amicable  spirit. 

I  am  given  to  understand  that  the  other  governments  con- 
cerned in  this  treaty  will,  within  a  few  days,  in  accordance  with 
their  methods  of  conducting  public  business,  submit  said  treaty 
to  their  respective  legislatures,  when  it  will  be  at  once  published 
to  the  world.  In  view  of  such  action  it  appears  to  be  advisable 
that,  by  publication  here,  early  and  full  knowledge  of  all  that 
has  been  done  in  the  premises  should  be  afforded  to  our 
people. 

It  would  also  seem  to  be  useful  to  inform  the  popular  mind 
concerning  the  history  of  the  long  continued  disputes  growing 
out  of  the  subject  embraced  in  the  treaty  and  to  satisfy  the 
public  interests  touching  the  same,  as  well  as  to  acquaint  our 
people  with  the  present  status  of  the  questions  involved,  and  to 


1 14  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

give  them  the  exact  terms  of  the  proposed  adjustment,  in  place 
of  the  exaggerated  and  imaginative  statements  which  will  other- 
wise reach  them. 

I  therefore  beg  leave  respectfully  to  suggest  that  said  treaty 
and  all  such  correspondence,  messages,  and  documents  relating 
to  the  same  as  may  be  deemed  important  to  accomplish  these 
purposes  be  at  once  made  public  by  the  order  of  your  honorable 
body. 

GROVER   CLEVELAND. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION, 

February  20,  1888. 

We  are  confident  that  upon  the  careful  read- 
ing of  the  preceding  document  every  sensible  man 
will  acknowledge,  that  the  rights  of  our  fishermen 
are  carefully  preserved,  and  that  the  attacks  of 
partisan  politicians  upon  an  honorable  decision, 
arrived  at  by  the  combined  judgment  of  able  and 
experienced  men,  are  totally  unwarranted,  and  it 
is  to  be  hoped  that  the  usually  clear-sightedness 
of  United  States  Senators  will  recognize  the  facts 
in  the  case  and  that  they  govern  themselves  ac- 
cordingly. It  is  a  matter  for  grave  consideration 
and  thankfulness  on  the  part  of  every  American 
citizen,  that  through  the  able  management  of  the 
State  Department,  under  its  present  head,  that 
this  nation  has  been  preserved  from  war  and 
the  rumors  of  war,  which,  had  it  been  under  the  con- 
trol of  a  less  conservative  man,  might  have  led  this 
country  into  a  conflict  which  we  are  not  prepared 
to  meet.  This  Administration  is  one  of  peace,  and 
the  experience  of  the  past  four  years  is  sufficient 
to  make  us  all  look  forward  with  confidence  to  a 
continuance  of  such  management  as  will  leave  our 
people  time  to  do  justice  to  their  agricultural,  man- 
ufacturing, mercantile,  and  commercial  pursuits. 


THE  STATE  DEPARTMENT.  115 

Our  present  relations  with  all  the  world  are  satis- 
factory and  the  United  States  to-day  holds  a  posi- 
tion which  should  make  every  American  citizen 
thank  God  for  the  advantages  which  he  enjoys. 

As  arbitrator  of  difficulties  between  other  nations 
the  aid  of  the  President  has  been  secured,  and 
through  the  action  of  the  State  Department  these 
decisions  have  been  rendered  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  contending  parties.  The  great  value  and  impor- 
tance of  our  consular  system,  in  its  connection  with 
the  growth  of  our  manufactures  and  the  increase 
of  trade  and  commerce  by  the  introduction  of  new 
channels,  has  been  fully  recognized  by  the  present 
Secretary  of  the  State  Department,  not  only  by  pre- 
senting to  Congress  the  absolute  need  of  a  more 
satisfactory  system  of  payment  for  the  work  done, 
but  also  in  supplying  the  public  with  weekly  instal- 
ments of  information  from  our  consuls  in  all  parts 
of  the  world.  These  reports  being  regularly  sup- 
plied to  the  press  become  public  property  and  are 
at  once  utilized  when  available  to  the  general  ad- 
vantage of  the  public. 

The  business  of  the  State  Department  is  kept 
thoroughly  in  hand,  each  bureau  completing  its 
work  daily,  and  at  the  present  time  there  is  no  ac- 
cumulated work.  This  is  due  to  the  management 

^j 

adopted  by  the  Secretary  and  the  persevering  labors 
of  those  employed.  In  the  organization  and  syste- 
matized work  of  the  State  Department  will  be 
found  additional  evidence  that  the  present  Adminis- 
tration is  established  on  a  business  basis. 


C.  s.   ~ 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  charged  by 
law  with  the  management  of  the  national  finances. 
He  prepares  plans  for  the  improvement  of  the  rev- 
enue and  for  the  support  of  the  public  credit;  sup- 
erintends the  collection  of  the  revenue,  and  pre- 
scribes the  forms  of  keeping  and  rendering  public 
accounts  and  of  making  returns;  grants  warrants 
for  all  moneys  drawn  from  the  Treasury  in  pursu- 
ance of  appropriations  made  by  law,  and  for  the 
payment  of  moneys  into  the  Treasury;  and  annu- 
ally submits  to  Congress  estimates  of  the  probable 
revenues  and  disbursements  of  the  Government. 
He  also  controls  the  construction  of  public  build- 
ings ;  the  coinage  and  printing  of  money ;  the  col- 
lection of  statistics ;  the  administration  of  the 
coast  and  geodetic  survey ;  life-saving,  light-house, 
revenue-cutter,  steamboat  inspection,  and  marine- 
hospital  branches  of  the  public  service ;  and  fur- 
nishes generally  such  information  as  may  be  re- 
quired by  either  branch  of  Congress  on  all  matters 

pertaining  to  the  foregoing. 

117 


Il8           THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

The  routine  work  of  the  Secretary's  office  is  tran- 
sacted in  the  offices  of  the  Supervising  Architect,  Di- 
rector of  the  Mint,  Superintendent  of  Engraving  and 
Printing,  Supervising  Surgeon-General  of  Marine 
Hospitals,  General  Superintendent  of  Life-Saving 
Service,  Supervising  Inspector-General  of  Steam- 
boats, Bureau  of  Statistics,  Light-House  Board,  and 
in  the  following  divisions:  Warrants,  Estimates, 
and  Appropriations ;  Appointments ;  Customs  ; 
Public  Moneys ;  Loans  and  Currency  ;  Mercantile 
Marine  and  Internal  Revenue ;  Revenue-Marine ; 
Stationery,  Printing,  and  Blanks ;  Captured  Prop- 
erty, Claims,  and  Lands;  Mails  and  Files,  and  Spe- 
cial Agents. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 
CHARLES  S.  FAIRCHILD. 

Sidney  T.  Fairchild,  the  father  of  the  present 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  is  known  as  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  lawyers  of  Central  New  York. 
He  was  for  many  years  leading  counsel  for  the  New 
York  Central  Railroad  Company.  Charles  S.  Fair- 
child  was  born  at  Cazenovia,  Madison  County,  New 
York,  April  30,  1842.  He  received  his  elementary 
education  at  the  Methodist  seminary  in  that  town, 
from  which  he  graduated  in  1850.  He  immediately 
entered  Harvard  College,  where  he  gra.luated  in 
1863,  and  afterwards  graduated  from  the  Law 
School  in  1865.  Having  completed  his  collegiate 


THE    TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 

and  legal  education,  he  became  junior  member  of 
the  law  firm  of  Hand,  Hale,  Schwartz  &  Fairchild, 
in  Albany,  one  of  the  leading  firms  in  the  State  of 
New  York.  In  1868  he  began  his  political  career 
by  organizing  the  Democratic  party  of  his  native 
county,  as  chairman  of  its  committee,  in  support 
of  Horatio  Seymour  for  President,  Mr.  Fairchild 
running  for  the  State  Senate  himself.  In  1874,  he 
was  appointed  Deputy  Attorney  General  by  the 
Hon.  Daniel  Pratt,  and  in  that  important  office  was 
concerned  in  many  famous  cases,  especially  in  rela- 
tion to  the  removal  of  the  police  commissioners  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  when  he  was  opposed  by  the 
leading  counsel  of  the  State  and  city,  but  succeeded 
in  his  efforts  to  secure  for  New  York  city  the 
purity  of  elections. 

During  the  Canal  Ring  investigations  in  New 
York,  Mr.  Fairchild  was  closely  associated  with 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  who  had  great  confidence  in  his 
judgment  and  abilities  and  always  favored  his  politi- 
cal advancement.  He  is  sound  on  financial  ques- 
tions and  supports  the  Administration  in  its  position 
in  connection  with  silver,  and  tariff  reform. 

As  a  recognition  of  his  ability  he  was  nominated 
and  elected  Attorney  General  in  1876.  Having 
served  out  his  term  he  spent  two  years  in  Europe. 
He  was  President  of  the  Chanties  Aid  Association 
of  the  State  and  Vice-President  of  the  Charity 
Organization  Society  of  the  City  of  New  York. 


I2O  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

City,  where  he  remained  until  invited  to  the  second 
place  in  the  administration  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment by  Secretary  Manning.  Mr.  Fairchild  be- 
came Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  appointment 
of  the  President  in  1887. 

'  Secretary  Fairchild  is  a  man  of  quick  percep- 
tions and  an  analytical  mind.  He  is  one  of  the 
seven  youngest  persons  who  have  filled  the  post  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The  youngest  was 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Washington's  first  secretary, 
who  was  thirty-two;  Wolcott,  the  second,  was  thirty- 
five  ;  Dexter  and  Gallatin,  third  and  fourth,  were 
forty;  Brewster  was  forty-one ;  Crawford  and  Fair- 
child  were  each  forty-four. 

In  his  management  of  the  Treasury  Department, 
Mr.  Fairchild  has  secured  the  confidence  of  both 
the  Government  and  the  people ;  and  the  important 
results  of  his  careful  and  conscientious  labor  as 
herewith  given  will  prove  that  he  is  fully  entitled 
to  the  great  confidence  thus  secured. 


THE  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  12 1 

The  most  important  work  of  this  department 
obviously  consists  of  the  collection  of  the  revenues, 
and  the  management  of  the  national  finances. 

In  the  matter  of  the  collection  of  the  revenue, 
which  is  mainly  derived  from  receipts  for  customs 
dues  and  from  internal  taxes,  it  will  be  seen,  from 
an  examination  of  the  records  and  reports  of  the 
department,  that  there  has  been  a  steady  and 
decided  increase  of  revenue,  and  a  steady  and 
decided  decrease  of  the  cost  of  collection,  under  the 
present  Administration.  The  fiscal  year  ends  on 
the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  and  the  present  year, 
therefore,  completes  three  full  fiscal  years  of  this 
administration  of  the  department ;  and  beginning 
with  the  fiscal  year  1884,  which  was  the  first  year 
after  the  tariff  law  of  1883  went  into  effect,  it  will 
be  found  that  the  receipts  from  customs  for  that 
year  were,  in  round  numbers,  one  hundred  and 
ninety-five  millions  of  dollars;  for  1885,  one  hundred 
and  eighty  one  millions  of  dollars;  for  1886,  one 
hundred  and  ninety-three  millions  of  dollars, — being 
the  first  year  of  this  administration,  —  an  increase  of 
twelve  millions  of  dollars;  and  in  1887  they  were 
two  hundred  and  seventeen  millions  of  dollars,  a 
further  increase  of  twenty-five  millions ;  and  for 
1888,  two  hundred  and  twenty  millions  of  dollars, 
a  further  increase  of  three  millions,  making  a  total 
increase  during  the  three  years  of  over  forty  millions 
of  dollars ;  while  the  cost  of  collection  for  1884  was 
.0344  per  cent;  1885,  .0377  per  cent;  1886,  .0330 
per  cent;  1887,  -O3l6  per  cent;  1888,  .0298  per 
cent. 

The  same  results  are  shown  in  the  receipts  from 
internal  revenue,  and  the  expenditures  in  that  branch 


122  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

of  the  service  :  the  collections  for  the  fiscal  year 
1885,  being,  in  round  numbers,  one  hundred  and 
twelve  millions;  1886,  one  hundred  and  seventeen 
millions;  1887,  one  hundred  and  nineteen  millions; 
1888,  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions,  a  total 
increase  of  thirteen  millions  of  dollars ;  while  the 
cost  of  collection  has  decreased  from  .03963  per 
cent  for  1885  to  .0302  per  cent  in  1888.  This  has 
been  accomplished  notwithstanding  that  the  work 
of  collecting  the  tax  upon  oleomargarine,  and  the 
enforcement  of  the  law  against  the  illicit  production 
and  traffic  in  that  article,  have,  during  this  period, 
been  devolved  upon  the  Internal  Revenue  Bureau. 

In  both  the  customs  and  internal  revenue  service, 
great  vigilance  has  been  displayed  in  the  detection 
and  suppression  of  frauds  upon  the  revenue.  In 
the  customs  department  especial  attention  has  been 
given  to  the  subject  of  undervaluations,  which  had 
grown  to  be  so  great  an  abuse  that  loud  complaints 
were  constantly  made  by  the  domestic  manufacturer 
and  the  honest  importer,  that  their  business  was 
seriously  imperilled  in  consequence  of  it.  The 
result  has  been  that  this  abuse  has  been  practically 
eradicated,  and  save  in  rare  instances  are  complaints 
now  made  either  to  the  department  or  in  the  public 
press  upon  that  account.  Greater  promptness  in 
the  transaction  of  customs  business  has  also  been 
secured.  Two-thirds  of  the  revenue  from  customs 
are  collected  at  the  port  of  New  York  ;  and  two 
years  ago  the  work  of  the  Liquidating  Division  at 
that  port  was  over  two  years  behind,  and  the 
Division  of  Protests  and  Appeals  was  equally  in 
arrears ;  but  at  the  present  time  the  work  of  both 
divisions  has  been  so  far  advanced,  that,  by  the  end 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  123 

of  this  calender  year,  all  arrears  of  business  will  have 
been  disposed  of,  and  the  work  will  be  up  to  current 
date. 

In  the  matter  of  the  management  of  the  national 
finances  a  brief  review  of  some  of  the  difficulties 
which  had  to  be  encountered,  and  of  the  dangers 
which  threatened  the  country,  and  of  the  manner 
in  which  they  have  been  avoided  and  averted,  will 
satisfy  every  candid  and  impartial  mind  that  this 
branch  of  the  public  service  was  never  more  ably  or 
more  faithfully  administered. 

On  the  3<Dth  of  June,  1887,  the  surplus  in  the 
Treasury,  according  to  the  Treasurer's  statement  of 
assets  and  liabilities,  was  $45,698,594.15.  The 
expenditures,  actual  and  estimated,  including  the 
sinking-fund,  for  the  fiscal  year  1888  were  $316,- 
817,785.48;  and  the  revenues  of  the  Government  for 
the  same  period,  under  existing  tariff  and  revenue 
laws,  were  estimated  to  be  approximately  $383,000,- 
ooo.  Thus  an  addition  to  the  surplus  during  the 
fiscal  year  of  $66,182,214.52  was  expected,  making 
the  total  surplus  on  the  3Oth  of  June,  1888,  $m,- 
880,808.67.  This  was  the  situation  as  it  appeared 
one  year  ago.  It  will  be  seen  from  what  follows 
that  the  estimate  was  far  below  the  reality. 

Early  in  August,  1887,  it  became  apparent  that 
the  rapid  accumulation  of  money  in  the  Treasury, 
which  had  already  created  a  feeling  of  great  anxiety 
and  uneasiness  in  business  centres,  would  soon 
cause  severe  stringency  in  the  money  markets.  The 
time  was  approaching  when  the  annual  shipments 
of  money  to  the  West  for  the  purpose  of  moving 
the  crops  would  deplete  the  reserves  in  the  great 
cities.  This  depletion,  which  in  good  crop  years  is 


124          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

always  great  enough  to  increase  the  loaning  rate  to 
seven  per  cent  and  upward,  threatened  to  be  so  great 
as  to  cripple  the  movement  of  money  so  necessary  to 
the  welfare  of  the  country,  particularly  of  the  great 
grain-raising  sections  of  the  West;  and  the  constantly 
increasing  surplus  in  the  Treasury  was  daily  adding 
to  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  At  this  juncture 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  wisely  determined, 
that,  instead  of  distributing  the  purchases  for  the 
sinking-fund  over  the  whole  fiscal  year  as  he  would 
do  in  ordinary  circumstances,  he  would  invest  the 
entire  amount  (nearly  twenty-eight  millions)  at 
once,  or  as  rapidly  as  possible;  hoping  thereby  to  so 
far  relieve  the  impending  distress  as  to  tide  over  the 
period  of  moving  the  crops,  and  so  prevent  business 
disturbances  during  that  critical  time.  To  this  end 
he  published  the  circular  of  August,  1887,  and  later 
the  circular  of  September,  1887,  for  the  purchase  of 
bonds  for  the  sinking-fund.  The  first  circular  pro- 
posed to  receive  offers  weekly,  at  prices  to  be  named 
by  the  owners ;  and  when  all  which  were  offered  at 
fair  prices  had  been  obtained  by  that  method,  the 
second  circular  was  published,  fixing  a  price  at  which 
they  would  be  received.  Under  these  two  circulars 
the  Secretary  purchased  $24,844,650  bonds  at  a  cost 
of  $27,842,237.10.  No  comment  is  needed  to 
emphasize  the  importance  and  vast  benefit  of  this 
operation.  The  Secretary  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  people  nearly  twenty-eight  millions  of  money 
with  which  to  carry  on  the  most  important  business 
transactions  of  the  year.  The  wisdom  and  success 
of  this  measure  is  best  shown  by  the  fact,  that, 
throughout  the  period  when  the  greatest  trouble  has 
heretofore  occurred,  not  the  slightest  disturbance  of 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  125 

business  was  recorded,  and  the  average  rate  paid  for 
money  on  call  in  New  York,  the  great  banking 
centre  of  the  country,  was  never  lower. 

Upon  completing  the  purchase  of  bonds  for  the 
sinking-fund,  the  question  of  disposing  of  the  further 
additions  to  the  surplus  was  carefully  considered. 
The  authority  to  purchase  bonds  in  addition  to  the 
sinking-fund  requirements  was  not  considered  to  be 
so  clear  and  unequivocal  as  to  justify  the  Secretary 
in  making  purchases. 

The  authority,  such  as  it  was,  was  contained  in  a 
paragraph  in  the  Legislative  Appropriation  Bill, 
approved  March  3,  1881 ;  and,  after  a  careful  survey 
of  all  the  circumstances,  it  was  decided  that  doubt 
existed,  and  that  all  other  lawful  means  should  first 
be  exhausted  before  resorting  to  other  purchases. 
The  only  resource  left  appeared  to  be  in  the  Secre- 
tary's authority  to  use  national  banks  as  depositories 
of  public  money.  Prior  to  this  time,  the  deposits  in 
national  banks  had  been  somewhat  restricted  by 
the  unprofitable  nature  of  the  terms  offered  to  the 
banks.  They  were  limited  to  a  deposit  of  90  per 
cent  of  the  par  value  of  the  bonds  deposited  by 
them  as  security,  so  that  from  18  to  36  per  cent  of 
the  value  of  the  bonds  was  practically  locked  up. 
In  view  of  the  high  premium  which  these  bonds 
commanded  as  an  investment,  it  was  decided  to  allow 
a  deposit  of  the  par  value  of  4^  per  cent  bonds  held 
as  security,  and  a  deposit  of  1 10  per  cent  against  4 
per  cent  bonds  held.  The  result  is  best  shown  by 
the  following  statement :  — 

On  the  ist  of  July,  1885,  there  were  141  national 
banks  whose  designations  as  depositories  were  in 
force,  and  the  deposits  of  public  moneys  in  their 


126          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

hands  amounted  to  $12,928,264.47.  On  the  ist  of 
July,  1888,  there  were  294  banks  holding  public 
deposits  of  $59,979,039.63.  This  is  an  increase  of 
153  banks,  and  an  increase  of  deposits  in  their  hands 
of  $47,050,775.16.  In  other  words,  there  are  more 
than  twice  as  many  banks  now  acting  as  depositories 
as  there  were  three  years  ago,  and  they  hold  nearly 
five  times  as  much  public  money  as  they  did  three 
years  ago.  This  great  sum  of  $47,000,000  is  now 
in  the  hands  of  the  people  as  the  result  of  the  wise 
and  liberal  policy  of  the  Secretary,  instead  of  re- 
maining locked  up  in  the  Treasury  as  it  would  have 
remained  under  the  policy  formerly  in  operation ; 
and  the  security  held  for  the  safe  return  to  the 
Treasury  of  the  money  deposited  is  at  all  times 
ample,  for  the  4^  per  cent  bonds  held  by  the  Treas- 
ury have  at  all  times  been  worth  at  least  7  per 
cent  more  than  the  deposit,  and  the  4  per  cent  at 
least  15  per  cent  more.  Either  class  of  bonds  can 
be  sold  at  a  day's  notice,  so  that  no  possible  contin- 
gency could  result  in  loss  to  the  Government.  The 
efforts  of  the  Secretary  to  keep  down  the  surplus  in 
the  Treasury  were  effectual  during  the  fall  and  early 
winter,  but  the  time  soon  came  when  something 
more  must  be  done;  for  the  surplus  continued  to 
grow,  and  the  measures  which  had  been  so  effective 
earlier  in  the  fiscal  year  were  now  inoperative,  from 
causes  which  were  clearly  foreseen,  and  to  which  the 
present  Secretary  and  his  able  predecessor,  Mr. 
Manning,  had  repeatedly  called  the  attention  of 
Congress  without  avail.  The  absorption  of  public 
moneys  by  the  depository  banks  had  reached  its 
limit,  and  the  sinking-fund  requirements  had  been 
supplied ;  so  that  nothing  remained  to  be  done  but 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  I2/ 

to  await  the  action  of  Congress.  There  had  been 
discussion  of  the  subject  in  both  houses,  but  no 
material  progress  towards  a  settlement  of  the  ques- 
tian  had  been  made.  In  April,  however,  the  House 
passed  a  resolution  declaratory  of  its  judgment  that 
the  clause  in  the  appropriation  bill  of  March  3,  1881, 
was  still  in  force;  and  a  similar  resolution  was  passed 
a  few  days  later  in  the  Senate.  The  sanction  of 
Congress  having  thus  been  practically  given  to  the 
policy  of  purchasing  unmatured  obligations  at  a 
premium,  the  Secretary  promptly  on  the  day  after 
the  passage  of  the  Senate  resolution  published  a 
circular,  dated  April  17,  1888,  inviting  daily  offerings 
of  bonds  to  the  Government.  This  circular,  like 
those  which  preceded  it  in  August  and  September, 
1887,  invited  the  people  to  deal  directly  with  the 
Government  in  selling  their  bonds,  being  a  marked 
departure  from  the  policy  of  former  Administrations 
in  this  respect.  All  previous  purchases  had  been 
made  through  the  sub-treasury  in  New  York,  and  a 
deposit  as  a  guaranty  of  good  faith  was  required. 
This  restriction  placed  the  business  of  selling  bonds 
to  the  Government  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the 
professional  dealers  in  securities,  and  consequently 
placed  individual  holders  at  their  mercy.  Under 
the  present  system,  the  humblest  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  owner  of  a  bond  for  fifty  dollars, 
can  deal  directly  with  the  Government ;  and  his 
proposal  for  the  sale  of  his  bond  receives  from  the 
Secretary  the  same  consideration,  and  if  his  bond 
is  accepted  the  same  prompt  payment,  as  that 
accorded  the  dealer  who  sells  his  millions  at  a  time. 
Under  this  circular  of  April  17,  1888,  the  Secretary 
had  purchased  up  to  June  30,  1888,  $18,383,800 


128  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

4  per  cent  bonds  at  a  cost  of  $23,347,744.20,  and 
$8,393,050  4^  per  cent  at  a  cost  of  $9,039,056.20, 
making  a  total  disbursement  on  acccount  of  pur- 
chase of  $32,386,800.40. 

The  bonds  so  purchased,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered, were  not  redeemable ;  the  4^  per  cents 
being  payable  after  September,  1891,  and  the  4  per 
cents  not  until  after  July  i,  1907. 

The  amount,  therefore,  which  the  Government 
would  pay  in  interest  and  principal  on  the  bonds -if 
outstanding  till  maturity  would  be  for  the  4^  per 
cents  $9,705,158.31,  and  for  the  4  per  cents  $32,- 
539,326,  making  a  total  of  $42,244,484.31.  The 
difference  between  this  amount  and  the  amount 
actually  paid  results  in  a  direct  saving  to  the  Gov- 
ernment of  $9,857,683.91,  which,  added  to  savings 
in  1887  °f  $4,832,668.62,  makes  a  total  saving  of 
$14,790,352.03  ;  so  that  at  the  same  time  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  was  relieving  the  people 
by  disbursing  the  money  they  so  badly  needed,  he 
was  saving  to  them  nearly  $15,000,000,  and  mak- 
ing possible  a  still  further  reduction  of  taxation  to 
that  amount. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  utmost  endeavors  of 
the  Secretary  to  diminish  the  surplus,  statements 
published  at  the  close  of  the  fiscal  year  1888  show 
that  it  is  larger  than  at  the  commencement  of  the 
purchases  in  August,  1887.  According  to  the  state- 
ments of  assets  and  liabilities  for  Aug.  i,  1887,  the 
surplus  was  then  $45,698,594.15;  and  on  July  i, 
1888,  it  was  $103,220,464.71,  which  is  an  increase  of 
$5 7. 521 .870.56,  notwithstanding  the  purchase  during 
the  interval  of  United  States  bonds  costing  over 
$32,000,000,  in  addition  to  those  purchased  in 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT. 


129 


August  for  the  sinking-fund,  and  which  were 
included  in  the  estimated  expenditures  for  the  fiscal 
year. 

At  the  beginning  of  this  statement  it  was  shown 
that  the  estimates  made  on  June  20,  1887,  for  the 
ensuing  fiscal  year  indicated  a  probable  surplus  of 
$  1 1 1 ,880,808.67  during  the  year.  The  actual  surplus 
was  $135,607,265.11,  consisting  of  $103,220,464.71 
still  in  the  Treasury,  and  $32,386,800.40  paid  for 
bonds  purchased.  This  is  an  increase  over  the 
estimate  of  $23,726,456.44. 

There  has  prevailed  the  belief  that  the  accumula- 
tion of  the  surplus  revenues  in  the  Treasury,  and  the 
retirement  of  national  bank  notes  by  banks  reducing 
circulation,  must  result  in  contraction  of  the  circu- 
lation of  the  country.  So  far  the  wise,  prudent,  and 
skilful  management  of  the  Government  finances  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  has  averted  all  trouble 
from  this  source.  Indeed,  the  amount  of  money  in 
circulation  among  the  people  to-day  is  greater  than 
it  was  two  years  ago.  The  total  circulation  Jan. 
i,  1886,  was  $1,285,173,012  ;  while  the  amount 
June  30,  1888,  was  $1,372,627,868,  an  increase  of 
$87,454,856.  ^ 

The  following  table  shows  how  this  increase  is 
effected. 


CHANGES. 


Gold  Coin 
Silver  Dollars  . 
Subsidiary  Coin 
Gold  Certificates 
Silver  Certificates    . 
United  States  Notes 
National  Dank  Notes 


Increase. 
$38,625,381 

3»287»73? 

3>2°7,372 

i4>527>?69 

107,207,911 


Decrease. 


$10,042,004 
69>359>3°5 


$166,856,165  $79,401,309 


130          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

At  the  time  the  present  Administration  assumed 
the  charge  of  the  Treasury  Department,  very  grave 
apprehensions  were  entertained  by  eminent  finan- 
ciers, that  gold  and  silver  could  not  be  maintained 
as  currency  upon  equal  footing ;  and  it  was  believed 
in  many  quarters  that  they  must  soon  part  company, 
and  that  gold  would  soon  become  the  sole  standard 
of  value  in  the  commerce  of  the  country.  It  was 
claimed  that  such  a  result  must  follow  from  the 
Act  requiring  the  compulsory  purchase  and  coinage 
of  silver  by  the  Government  at  the  rate  of  at  least 
two  million  dollars  per  month ;  and  it  may  be  fairly 
urged  that  such  would  have  been  the  inevitable 
consequence  had  it  not  been  for  the  determination 
of  the  Treasury  Department  to  use  all  lawful  expe- 
dients to  maintain  the  equality  of  the  two  metals 
as  to  their  purchasing  power,  and  the  wise  policy 
inaugurated  and  pursued  by  it  in  this  respect.  How 
completely  successful  it  has  been,  the  above  exhibit 
will  show.  There  has  been  an  increase  in  eighteen 
months  of  over  $110,000,000  in  the  silver  circula- 
tion of  the  country ;  thereby  not  only  placing  in  the 
hands  of  the  people  the  $36,000,000  of  silver  coined 
during  that  period,  but  also  over  $74,000,000  of  the 
accumulated  silver  in  the  Treasury. 

Every  American  citizen  is  justly  proud  of  the 
rapidity  with  which  the  great  public  debt  of 
the  country  is  reduced  from  year  to  year,  and  the 
record  of  this  Administration  far  surpasses  all  its 
predecessors  in  this  respect.  The  average  annual 
reduction  of  the  public  debt  during  the  three  years 
preceding  June  30,  1885,  being  $99,500,000;  and 
during  the  three  years  succeeding  the  same  date, 
$106,500,000. 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  131 

Another  important  branch  of  the  work  of  the 
Treasury  Department  is  the  auditing  and  adjust- 
ment of  public  accounts.  The  annual  expenditures 
of  the  Government  for  all  purposes  exceed  three 
hundred  millions  of  dollars,  not  a  dollar  of  which 
expenditure  can  be  legally  allowed  until  an  account 
therefor  has  been  rendered  to  the  proper  accounting 
officers  of  the  Treasury  Department,  and  the  same 
has  been  '  approved  and  certified  by  them  to  be 
correct.  This  work  is  mainly  done  by  the  six 
auditors,  two  comptrollers,  commissioner  of  customs, 
and  the  various  divisions  of  the  Secretary's  office. 
When  the  present  Administration  undertook  this 
work,  it  was  in  many  bureaus  and  divisions  very 
largely  in  arrears.  It  will  be  impossible  in  the  brief 
limits  of  this  book  to  give  any  thing  like  a  detailed 
or  tabulated  statement  of  the  results  which  have 
been  accomplished  here  during  the  past  three  years. 
A  few  prominent  facts  only  can  be  mentioned. 

In  the  office  of  the  first  auditor,  where  the 
accounts  accruing  in  the  Treasury  Department  are 
first  examined,  during  the  three  years  subsequent  to 
1885  there  has  been  an  average  annual  increase 
of  three  thousand  in  the  number  of  accounts 
examined  and  certified  as  compared  with  the  three 
years  immediately  preceding,  and  an  average 
decrease  of  the  cost  of  the  office,  on  the  basis  of 
the  amount  of  work  done,  of  nearly  eleven  per  cent 
annually. 

In  the  office  of  the  first  comptroller,  which  reviews 
in  part  the  accounts  examined  and  certified  by  the 
first  auditor,  and  also  the  accounts  of  the  fifth 
auditor,  there  has  been  an  average  annual  increase, 
during  the  same  period,  in  the  number  of  accounts 


132          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

of  7,700,  and  an  increase  in  the  amount  involved, 
as  shown  by  the  footings  of  the  accounts  examined, 
of  nearly  one  billion  dollars  annually ;  and  the 
average  decrease  of  cost  of  work  has  been  about 

^> 

twenty-one  per  cent  annually. 

In  the  office  of  the  fourth  auditor,  where  all  the 
disbursements  in  the  naval  service  are  first 
examined,  there  has  been  an  average  annual 
increase  of  forty  per  cent  in  the  number  of  claims 
and  accounts  adjusted,  and  of  over  nine  millions 
in  the  amount  involved  ;  while  the  average  annual 
expenses  of  the  office  have  been  over  two  thousand 
dollars  less,  and  an  average  decrease  in  the  cost  of 
work,  according  to  the  amount  done,  of  thirty-five 
per  cent  annually. 

In  the  office  of  the  commissioner  of  customs  there 
has  been  an  increase  of  eleven  per  cerft  in  the 
average  number  of  accounts  annually  adjusted ' per 
capita ;  and  in  the  Division  of  Customs,  in  the 
Secretary's  office,  in  which  all  the  appeals  in 
customs  cases  from  the  decision  of  collectors  are 
examined  and  reported  upon,  there  were  "examined 
and  decided  during  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30, 
1886,  25,537  appeals,  while  the  total  number  for 
the  three  years  immediately  preceding  only  aggre- 
gated 26,526 ;  it  thus  appearing  that  the  work  for 
the  entire  three  years  was  only  slightly  in  excess 
of  that  of  the  single  year  1886. 

In  the  office  of  the  sixth  auditor,  where  all  the 
accounts  of  the  Post-office  Department,  and 
the  expenditures  of  the  postal  service,  amount- 
ing to  over  fifty  millions  of  dollars  annually, 
are  finally  adjusted,  a  corresponding  improvement 
in  the  methods  of  transacting  the  public  business 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  133 

has  been  effected.  Much  money  has  been  saved 
to  the  public  Treasury  by  the  more  rigid  scrutiny 
to  which  the  accounts  passing  through  this  office 
have  been  subjected.  As  an  illustration,  it  may  be 
stated  that  the  number  of  cases  in  which  orders 
have  been  made  by  the  Postmaster-General,  upon 
the  report  of  the  auditor,  withholding  commis- 
sions because  of  false  reports  of  postmasters  to 
increase  their  compensation,  is  571,  charging  back 
an  aggregate  of  $228,815  ;  and  it  is  evident,  from  an 
examination  of  the  books,  that  the  probable  loss  to 
the  Government  during  the  period  from  1878 
to  1885  was  more  than  one  million  of  dollars  from 
this  single  channel  of  fraud. 

In  the  second  auditor's  office  are  first  examined 
the  accounts  of  trie  disbursing  officers  of  the  army, 
and  all  claims  for  the  back  pay  and  bounty  of  soldiers 
in  the  war  of  the  Rebellion,  and  all  disbursements 
in  the  Indian  service  for  supplies  and  the  pay  of 
agents  and  other  officers.  During  the  past  three 
years  there  has  been  an  increase  in  the  number  of 
claims  and  accounts  adjusted  of  over  thirty  per  cent, 
and  an  increase  of  over  forty  per  cent  in  the  amount 
involved,  over  a  corresponding  period  prior  to  June 
30,  1885  ;  and  the  amount  allowed  and  paid  out  for 
the  back  pay  and  bounty  due  soldiers  during  the 
last  three  years  has  been  over  $2,700,000,  as  against 
only  $1,350,000  allowed  in  the  three  previous  years, 
showing  that  the  interests  of  the  soldiers  of  the 
Union  army  have  received  special  attention  and 
consideration. 

The  third  auditor  has  the  examination,  in  the 
first  instance,  of  all  claims  and  accounts  arising 
in  the  Quartermaster's  and  Commissary  Depart- 


134          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

ments  of  the  army,  including  horse  claims  and 
miscellaneous  claims  and  accounts,  and  all  disburse- 
ments on  account  of  pensions.  The  exhibit  of 
work  done  in  this  office  during  the  past  three  years, 
it  is  believed,  is  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the 
department.  In  the  Claims  Division  over  41,000 
claims  have  been  disposed  of  during  that  period, 
while  during  the  three  years  previously  only  1 1 ,000 
were  adjusted;  making  an  increase  of  over  350  per 
cent,  and  the  amount  involved  was  over  100  per  cent 
greater.  In  the  Horse-Claims  Division  over  9,000 
claims  were  disposed  of  during  the  past  three  years, 
and  but  2,200  in  the  three  years  previously,  an 
increase  of  over  400  per  cent.  In  State  war  claims 
there  has  been  an  increase  of  nearly  700  per  cent 
in  the  amount  of  claims  disposed  of  during  the 
same  periods  respectively,  and  in  the  Pension  Divis- 
ion there  has  been  an  average  increase  in  the  work 
of  the  division  of  254  per  cent  during  the  past 
three  years  over  the  work  of  the  three  previous 
years,  and  an  average  decrease  in  the  force  amount- 
ing to  31  per  cent.  During  the  past  three  years 
the  number  of  clerks  employed  has  been  reduced 
21  per  cent,  and  great  improvement  is  noted  in  the 
attendance  of  clerks.  The  absences  in  the  fiscal 
years  1884-85  aggregated  over  6,000  days,  while  in 
1887-88  there  were  only  3,750  days  ;  and  during  the 
same  years  the  absence  on  account  of  sickness  fell 
off  from  1780  to  357  days. 

The  work  of  the  second  comptroller's  office 
exhibits  exceptionally  good  results.  This  office  has 
the  final  revision  and  adjustment  of  all  claims  and 
accounts  which  are  first  examined  in  the  offices  of 
the  second,  third,  and  fourth  auditors,  and  the 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTMENT.  135 

supervision  of  the  expenditures  of  all  the  appro- 
priations for  the  army,  the  navy,  the  Indian  service, 
and  the  pension  roll,  aggregating  over  $150,000,000 
annually.  The  average  number  of  claims  and 
accounts  annually  adjusted  during  the  past  three 
years  is  over  5 1 ,000,  while  the  number  was  but 
22,000  annually  during  the  three  years  prior  to  1885, 
an  increase  of  133  per  cent ;  and  the  number  of 
vouchers  examined  and  compared  during  the  former 
period  was  7,300,000,  and  but  3,600,000  during  the 
years  1882,  1883,  and  1884;  and  the  official  letters 
written  were  22,000  as  against  5,200  during  the 
same  periods  respectively,  while  at  the  same  time 
the  force  of  clerks  actually  employed  in  the  office 
has  been  reduced  one-third. 

The  office  of  the  supervising  architect  of  the 
Treasury  Department  has  charge  of  all  matters 
relating  to  the  erection  of  public  buildings  through- 
out the  country  under  appropriations  by  Acts  of 
Congress.  It  has  been  under  the  supervision  of  the 
present  supervising  architect  since  July,  1-887;  and 
during  that  period  many  reforms  have  been  intro- 
duced into  the  administration  of  the  office,  and  a 
large  saving  of  expenses  effected.  The  preparation 
of  specifications  has  been  greatly  simplified ;  and 
where,  under  the  former  system,  380  drawings  and 
5 1  specifications  were  prepared  for  four  buildings, 
under  the  present  method  only  86  drawings  and  4 
specifications  are  required  for  the  same  buildings. 
Greater  competition  in  submitting  proposals  has  also 
been  secured  by  giving  greater  publicity  to  the 
advertisements  for  proposals,  especially  by  securing 
their  publication,  free  of  cost  to  the  Government,  in 
eighteen  building  papers  published  in  all  parts  of 


136          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

the  country,  and  obtaining  the  co-operation  of  forty- 
three  building  exchanges  located  in  the  principal 
cities.  Where  but  three  or  four  proposals  were 
formerly  received,  the  number  now  has  run  up  in  one 
case  as  high  as  forty-four.  During  the  past  year 
work  has  been  commenced  on  seventeen  buildings, 
and  ten  buildings  have  been  completed,  and  twelve 
buildings  are  now  so  far  advanced  that  they  will  be 
completed  before  Sept.  i  ;  while  during  the  three 
preceding  years  the  average  number  of  buildings 
commenced  annually  was  ten,  and  the  average  num- 
ber completed  annually,  four.  These  results  have 
all  been  accomplished  without  any  increase  in  the 
working  force  of  the  office. 

In  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing  there 
has  been  a  great  increase  in  the  amount  of  work 
done,  and  a  great  saving  in  the  cost  of  doing  it. 
In  the  three  years  ending  June  30,  1885,  there  were 
produced  91,754,351  sheets  of  securities  at  a  cost 
of  $3,047,483.75.  In  the  three  years  ending  June 
30,  1888,  97,346,662  sheets  of  securities  were 
turned  out  at  a  cost  of  $2,542,505.07.  The  increase 
in  the  number  of  securities  printed  was  5,592,311, 
and  the  saving  in  expense  $504,978.68.  The  aver- 
age cost  of  a  thousand  sheets  of  securities  in  1885 
was  $34.21  ;  in  1888  it  was  only  $24.94.  38,038,939 
sheets  of  securities  in  1888  cost  $948,819.29.  The 
greatest  production  in  any  prior  year  was  in  1883, 
when  33,330,746  sheets  cost  $1,104,986.43.  In 
1885  tne  average  number  of  employees  was  1,133, 
and  the  average  number  of  sheets  turned  out  for  each 
employee  less  than  25,000.  In  1888  the  average 
number  of  employees  was  895,  and  the  average  num- 
ber of  sheets  produced  by  each  employee  42,500. 


THE   TREASURY  DEPARTAfENT.  137 

These  results  have  been  due  to  economies  in  the 
management  of  the  bureau,  simpler  methods  of 
doing  business,  the  discharge  of  superfluous  em- 
ployees, the  doing  away  with  unnecessary  places, 
and  the  exaction  of  greater  diligence  in  the  dis- 
charge of  duty,  and  of  a  higher  standard  of  qualifi- 
cation. At  the  same  time  the  quality  of  the  work, 
especially  of  the  engraving,  has  been  improved ; 
better  provision  has  been  made  for  the  health  and 
comfort  of  the  employees,  and  new  and  improved 
machinery  has  been  introduced.  A  just  and 
orderly  system  of  promotion  has  been  followed, 
and  the  employees  have  had  more  constant  employ- 
ment and  better  wages  than  ever  before,  while  they 
have  been  free  from  the  terror  of  arbitrary  dismissal. 
Under  the  present  Administration  not  a  single 
person  has  been  discharged  for  partisan  reasons,  or 
to  make  room  for  another.  Specific  appropriations 
have  been  secured,  fixing  the  amount  to  be  spent 
for  plate-printing,  for  other  services,  and  for  materials, 
in  lieu  of  the  loose  and  indefinite  .appropriations 
which  were  formerly  the  rule ;  and  the  number,  grades, 
and  salaries  of  all  the  employees  have  been  fixed 
by  law  or  regulation.  By  a  recent  order  of  the 
President,  all  the  employees  of  the  bureau  have 
been  brought  under  the  civil  service  rules.  These 
measures  have  made  of  the  Bureau  of  Engraving 
and  Printing  an  orderly,  efficient,  and  reputable 
business  establishment,  which  may  safely  challenge 
comparison  with  any  like  establishment  in  the 
world. 

The  same  general  good  results  may  be  safely 
affirmed  of  every  other  bureau  and  division  in  the 
department,  and  there  is  scarcely  a  desk  in  the 


138  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

whole  department  upon  which  there  can  be  found 
any  thing  but  current  work  ;  and  this  condition  of 
the  public  business  has  not  been  reached  by  slight- 
ing work  of  any  kind,  but  only  after  the  most 
careful  and  painstaking  examination  of  every  voucher 
or  question  involving  the  law  governing  the  adjust- 
ment and  settlement  of  accounts.  Nor  has  it  been 
brought  about  by  increasing  the  number  of  clerks 
and  other  employees  in  the  department.  On  the. 
contrary,  the  pay-roll  of  nearly  every  bureau  and 
division  shows  a  material  decrease.  The  number  of 
persons  on  the  rolls  of  the  department  at  Washington 
on  the  first  day  of  July,  1885,  was  3,747  ;  and  the 
number  on  the  first  day  of  July,  1888,  3,433. 
Useless  offices  have  been  abolished,  and  divisions 
have  been  consolidated ;  and  a  large  saving  in 
expenditure  has  thus  been  effected,  while  the 
efficiency  of  the  service  has  at  the  same  time  been 
greatly  promoted. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

The  Secretary  of  War  performs  such  duties  as 
the  President  may  enjoin  upon  him  concerning  the 
military  service,  and  has  the  controlling  super- 
vision of  the  purchase  of  Army  supplies,  transpor- 
tation, etc.,  and  of  all  expenditures  made  under  the 
appropriations  for  the  support  of  the  Army,  and 
for  such  of  a  civil  nature  as  may  by  law  be  placed 
under  his  administration. 

He  is  required  to  provide  for  the  taking  of  met- 
eorological observations  at  the  military  stations  in 
the  interior  of  the  continent,  and  at  other  points  in 
the  States  and  Territories ;  arranges  the  course  of 
studies  at  the  Military  Academy ;  submits  to  Con- 
gress all  estimates  for  public  buildings  and  grounds 
in  charge  of  the  Chief  of  Engineers,  and  has 
supervision  of  all  expenditures  of  appropriations 
for  repair  or  improvement  of  the  public  buildings 
and  grounds  in  the  District  of  Columbia  in  charge 

o  o 

of  the  Chief  of  Engineers.     He  is   charged    with 
the  purchase  of  such  real  estate  as  in  his  judgment 


I4O  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

is  suitable  and  necessary  for  the  purpose  of  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  provisions  for  national  ceme- 
teries. He  exercises  supervision  of  the  disburse- 
ments by  Army  officers ;  has  the  control  and  man- 
agement of  the  National  Park  forming  a  part  of 
Mackinac  Island  in  the  State  of  Michigan,  and  has 
direction  of  the  expenditure  of  the  appropriation 
for  the  Mississippi  River  Commission. 

He  submits  annually  to  Congress  a  statement  of 
the  appropriations  for  the  preceding  fiscal  year  for 
the  Department  of  War  under  each  specified  head 
of  appropriation,  the  amount  expended  and  remain- 
ing on  hand,  together  with  estimates  of  the  pro- 
bable demands  that  may  remain  on  each  appropria- 
tion. 

He  also  submits  to  Congress  at  each  session,  in 
connection  with  reports  of  examinations  and  sur- 
veys of  rivers  and  harbors,  full  statements  of  all 
facts  tending  to  show  the  extent  to  which  the  gen- 
eral commerce  of  the  country  will  be  promoted  by 
the  several  works  of  improvement  contemplated  by 
such  examinations  and  surveys,  together  with 
numerous  other  reports  relating  to  the  various 
matters  of  which  he  has  supervision. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. 
WILLIAM  CROWNINSHIELD  ENDICOTT 

Is  a  descendant  of  John  Endicott,  who  was  Gov- 
ernor of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  in  1628,  and 


THB   WAR   DEPARTMENT.  141 

his  family  have  been  continuously  residents  of 
Salem  and  its  immediate  vicinity  ever  since,  most 
of  the  time  in  the  old  homestead  of  Governor 
Endicott  He  is  the  son  of  William  Putnam 
Endicott  and  Mary,  daughter  of  Hon.  •  Jacob 
Crowninshield,  and  was  born  in  Salem,  Nov.  19, 
1826,  and  was  reared  and  educated  in  that  place. 
He  was  .fitted  for  college  at  Salem,  and  grad- 
uated from  Harvard  in  1847.  Afterwards  evinc- 
ing a  desire  to  choose  the  law  as  a  profession, 
he  at  once  entered  the  office  of  Nathaniel  J.  Lord, 
Esq.,  of  Salem,  who  then  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
Essex  bar,  and,  after  a  course  at  the  Cambridge 
Law  School,  he  was  admitted  to  practice  at  Salem 
in  1850.  For  the  next  two  years  he  was  alone,  but 
found  that  he  could  form  a  business  alliance  with 
J.  W.  Perry,  Esq.,  whose  name  is  now  well  known 
as  a  legal  author.  It  was  during  this  partnership 
that  Mr.  Perry  wrote  the  work  which  has  since 
become  famous  and  been  pronounced  one  of  the 
ablest  works  on  the  subject  of  which  it  treats, 
namely,  "  Perry  on  Trusts."  In  his  preface  Mr. 
Perry  speaks  of  Mr.  Endicott  the  following  words  : 

"  And  it  is  my  especial  duty  and  pleasure  to  ac- 
knowledge my  obligations  to  my  friend  and  associ- 
ate in  business  for  nearly  twenty  years,  William 
Crowninshield  Endicott,  Esq.,  whose  sound  learning 
and  clear  judgment  have  been  a  never-failing  re- 
source in  matters  of  doubt  and  difficulty,  and  whose 
refined  and  severe  taste  has  been  freely  employed 
in  smoothing  redundances  and  softening  asperities 
of  manner  and  style." 

He  was  a  director  in  one  of  the  old  State  banks 
of  Salem,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty-nine  years 


142  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS    CABINET. 

he  was  elected  its  president,  which  position  he 
held  until  the  bank  went  out  of  existence. 

Very  soon  the  abilities  of  Mr.  Endicott  as  a  law- 
yer were  recognized,  and  this,  combined  with  his 
deportment  and  dignity  of  character,  attracted  and 
held  a  very  large  and  constantly  increasing  business. 
So  marked  was  his  prominence,  both  as  a  lawyer 
and  as  a  man,  that,  a  vacancy  occurring  on  the 
bench  of  the  Supreme  Judicial  Court  of  Massachu- 
setts in  1873,  Governor  William  B.  Washburn 
selected  him,  although  of  a  political  party  opposed 
to  his  own,  for  appointment  to  the  vacant  seat,  with- 
out solicitation  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Endicott  or  his 
friends. 

He  continued  on  the  bench  until  1882,  when,  his 
health  failing  him  from  the  very  close  application 
to  the  business  of  the  Court,  he  was  compelled  to 
go  abroad,  and,  after  having  been  in  Europe  for 
about  a  year,  he  forwarded  his  resignation  to  his 
colleagues  upon  the  bench,  whom  he  requested  to 
place  the  letter  in  the  hands  of  the  Governor,  Hon. 
John  D.  Long ;  but  his  colleagues  did  not  at  once 
comply  with  his  request,  hoping  to  change  his  de- 
termination, thus  retaining  his  valuable  services  to 
the  State.  The  ill-health  of  Mr.  Endicott  con- 
tinuing, he  was  forced  to  decline  the  kindly  offices 
of  his  colleagues,  and  insisted  upon  the  prompt  de- 
liverance of  his  letter  of  resignation  to  the  Gov- 
ernor, which  was  accordingly  done  and  accepted. 
And  thus,  after  a  period  of  nearly  ten  years  upon 
the  bench,  during  which  time  he  delivered  four 
hundred  opinions  and  decisions  as  a  judge,  he  closed 
his  judicial  career. 

On  his  return  to  the  United  States,  he  opened  an 


THE    WAR  DEPARTMENT. 


143 


office  in  Boston  for  the  practice  of  his  profession, 
and  became  the  general  counsel  for  the  New  Eng- 
land Mutual  Life  Insurance  Company. 

In  1884,  he  was  induced,  after  long  and  frequent 
urging,  to  consent  to  the  use  of  his  name  as  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  Governor  of  the  State. 
He  accepted  the  nomination  against  his  inclina- 
tions, as  he  did  not  feel  equal  to  the  long  and 
protracted  labors  of  a  campaign,  and  with  the 
understanding  that  under  no  circumstances  was  he 
to  be  called  upon  to  participate  in  the  campaign. 

In  February,  1885,  he  was  tendered  a  position  in 
the  Cabinet,  in  charge  of  the  portfolio  of  Secretary 
of  War,  which  position  he  has  held  continuously 
ever  since,  with  credit  to  himself  and  honor  to  the 
nation. 

A  distinguishecl  literary  gentleman  of  Massa- 
chusetts has  paid  the  following  graceful  tribute  to 
Mr.  Endicott: 

"  Among  the  cultivated  men  of  Salem,  William 
C.  Endicott  has  accomplished,  as  lawyer,  writer, 
jurist,  and  statesman,  a  work  of  which  his  native 
city  will  always  be  proud.  He  was  born  in  Salem 
in  1826,  and  was  graduated  at  Harvard  in  1847. 
After  having  taken  his  degree  at  Cambridge,  he 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Essex  County,  and  com- 
menced the  practice  of  his  profession  in  Salem. 
His  judgment  as  a  lawyer  was  soon  recognized,  and 
he  became  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  bar  and  one 
of  the  best  of  office  advisers.  The  grace  and 
finish  of  his  style  have  always  been  recognized  in 
his  public  performances,  among  the  most  interest- 
ing and  elaborate  of  which  are  his  orations  on  the 
two  hundred  and  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  land- 


144 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


ing  of  John  Endicott,  celebrated  in  Salem  in  1878; 
his  address,  before  the  Young  Men's  Union  on 
Patriotism  as  bearing  on  the  duties  of  the  citizens ; 
address  on  John  Hampden  and  his  relations  to  the 
great  Puritan  movement  here  and  in  England ; 
lecture  on  Chivalry;  agricultural  address  at  Ster- 
ling on  the  relation  of  agriculture  to  the  stability 
and  prominence  of  the  State ;  and  speech  on  the 
death  of  N.  J.  Lord.  Mr.  Endicott's  services  on 
the  supreme  bench  of  Massachusetts  are  highly 
esteemed,  and  his  conduct  of  affairs  as  Secretary 
of  War,  to  which  he  was  appointed  in  1885,  will 
place  him  on  the  list  of  sound  and  judicious  Cabi- 
net Ministers." 

The  results  of  his  administration  of  the  military 
affairs  of  the  Government  will  best  be  understood 
by  a  reference  to  the  pages  which  follow. 

Among  the  principal  acts  of  Mr.  Endicott  as 
Secretary  of  War  was  the  organization  of  the  Board 
on  Fortifications  or  Other  Defences  on  June  i, 
1885.  Meetings  were  held  at  New  York  and  else- 
where, during  which  the  defensive  works  of  the 
United  States  in  the  different  parts  of  the  country 
were  thoroughly  inspected,  as  well  as  the  capacity 
of  the  large  number  of  iron  and  steel  works  of  the 
country;  numerous  papers  from  inventors  and 
other  persons  in  reference  to  the  subject  of  fortifi- 
cations and  defences  were  received  and  examined 
and  the  whole  subject  of  coast  defences  was  dealt 
with.  An  exhaustive  report  of  the  Board  was  sub- 
mitted to  Congress,  wherein  the  utterly  defenceless 
condition  of  the  sea-coast  and  lake  frontier  is  thor- 
oughly set  forth,  and  asking  that  immediate  action 
be  taken  to  prevent  the  disastrous  and  humilia,- 


THE   WAR  DEPARTMENT.  145 

ting  results  that  might  follow  a  declaration  of  war 
with  the  most  insignificant  of  foreign  powers  pos- 
sessing guns  and  ships  of  modern  construction. 

In  connection  with  this  work  was  that  of  the  ex- 
amination of  the  different  methods  or  inventions  for 
the  resisting  of  attacks  from  the  seaboard,  and  how 
to  best  silence  the  armored  ships  and  steel  guns 
and  mortars  of  modern  construction.  Among 
other  means  of  defence  which  have  been  developed 
and  examined  under  the  auspices  of  the  Board,  is 
the  dynamite  gun  and  others  of  large  calibre  that 
have  been  tested  at  Sandy  Hook. 

Under  Mr.  Endicott's  administration  of  the  War 
Department,  the  civil  service  law  has  been  strictly 
observed,  and  in  no  instances  have  removals  been 
made  in  the  War  Department  for  purely  political 
reasons  ;  indeed,  the  removals  have  been  very  few, 
and  in  every  instance  for  cause.  Below  is  presented 
a  statement  showing  the  changes  which  occurred  in 
the  classified  service  of  the  department  between 
July  1 6,  1883,  the  date  on  which  the  law  went  into 
operation,  to  July  i,  1888,  in  the  belief  that  it  may 
be  of  interest  and  possibly  of  some  value,  as  show- 
ing the  practical  operation  of  the  law : 

Resigned 237 

Died 80 

Discharged 158 

Dropped  at  the  end  of  probationary  term        .  .     9 

Total         ...          484 

Appointed 356 

Decrease  (through  legislation)  in  number  of  positions  86 
Vacancies  existing 42 

Total         ...          484 


1 46  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

The  following  statement  shows  the  number  of 
persons  to  whom  letters  of  appointment  were  issued, 
but  who  failed,  for  the  reasons  stated,  to  enter  the 
service : 

Declined  appointments 37 

Failed  to  report 10 

Died  prior  to  receipt  of  appointment  i 

Total  ...       48 

The  total  number  of  positions  in  the  classified 
service  in  the  War  Department  on  November  14, 
1887,  including  twenty-three  places  exempt  from 
the  operations  of  the  law  under  Rule  XIX  of  the 
Civil  Service  Rules,  was  1,264.  Taking  this  num- 
ber as  a  basis  of  calculation,  it  will  be  seen  from 
the  foregoing  statement  that  the  aggregate  of  those 
resigned  and  those  who  failed  to  accept  appoint- 
ment constituted  19  per  cent,  of  the  entire  force. 

Mr.  Endicott  has  also  been  an  advocate  of  an  in- 
crease in  the  salaries  of  the  efficient  clerks,  in  order 
to  induce  them  to  remain  in  the  public  service.  If 
the  higher  places  had  higher  salaries  and  were  open 
to  competition,  it  would  add  much  to  the  efficiency 
of  the  service  and  would  hold  out  strong  induce- 
ments to  the  older  clerks  to  remain. 

The  departmental  examinations  for  promotion 
under  the  new  Civil  Service  Rules,  which  occurred 
in  the  summer  of  1887  and  which  were  held 
during  the  period  between  June  18  and  October 
28,  embraced  the  whole  classified  service  of  the 
War  Department.  The  total  number  of  persons 
examined  was  1,014,  of  whom  953,  or  95  per  cent, 
passed  the  examination,  and  of  this  number 
353>  or  35  Pe?  cent,  attained  an  average  mark- 
ing above  90.  Of  the  total  number  examined  51,  or 


THE   WAR  DEPARTMENT. 


5  per  cent,  failed  to  pass,  having  attained  an  aver- 
age marking  of  less  than  75  per  cent. 

At  the  second  departmental    examination    held 
April  25,  1888,  there  were  examined  — 

™  n  Failed 

Of  Class  3  .  2  - 


Of  Cla~s  2 
Of  Class  i 
Of  Class  $1,000 
Of  Class  D 


21  2 

18  4 

46 


2 


It  thus  appears  that,  of  the  89  persons  examined, 
80  (or  90  per  cent.)  passed  the  examination  ;  while 
9  (or  10  per  cent.)  failed  to  pass,  having  attained  an 
average  marking  of  less  than  75  per  cent. 

The  Secretary  believes  there  are  other  great  ad- 
vantages resulting  from  the  Civil  Service  Law,  and 
among  them  the  entire  abolition  of  political  assess- 
ments and  the  abandonment  of  "  election  leaves," 
the  latter  of  which  had  grown  into  a  great  abuse. 
Prior  to  the  enactment  of  the  Civil  Service  Law  in 
1883,  it  was  the  custom  to  grant  employees  of  the 
department  leaves  of  absence  to  attend  the  vari- 
ous elections  in  their  several  States,  and  these 
were  not  deducted  from  their  annual  leaves  of  thirty 
days  each  year,  and,  for  the  1,200  employees  of  the 
department,  estimating  that  50  percent,  took  advan- 
tage of  the  election  leaves,  amounted  to  6,000  days, 
and  equalled  the  time  of  one  clerk  for  twenty  years. 
Since  the  passage  of  the  Civil  Service  Law  this 
custom  has  ceased  to  exist.  Employes  who  desire 
to  exercise  the  elective  franchise  may  still  do  so, 
but  the  time  consumed  must  be  deducted  from  their 
annual  leave  of  thirty  days,  thus  saving  to  the  gov- 
ernment their  services. 

Through    the    active    and    persevering    labor  01 


148  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

those  connected  with  the  Quartermaster-General's 
Office,  the  reforms  carried  out  under  the  sugges- 
tion and  approval  of  the  Secretary  of  War  have 
been  very  successful,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
following  statement : — The  authorized  force  of  the 
Quartermaster  General  for  the  fiscal  year  1884-85 
was  203.  This  has  been  reduced  for  the  present 
fiscal  year  to  123,  showing  a  saving  of  80  employees. 
The  appropriation  for  the  first  term  was,  $240,490.00 
and  for  the  present  year  $156,440.00,  showing  a  re- 
duction of  $84,055.00,  and  additional  evidence  of  the 
economy  and  good  work  of  the  present  Administra- 
tion. 

The  work  of  the  record  and  pension  division  of 
the  Surgeon-General's  Office  has  also  been  much 
improved,  and  is  now  in  a  satisfactory  condition. 
It  had  so  far  fallen  in  arrears  that  9,5 1 1  unanswered 
calls  from  the  Commissioner  of  Pensions  for  infor- 
mation relative  to  pension  claims  had  accumulated 
in  this  office  on  December  13,  1886.  Prior  to  that 
date  a  large  number  of  cases  were  subjected  to  a 
delay  of  two  and  one-half  and  three  months,  and 
often  for  a  longer  period.  This  state  of  affairs  had 
been  brought  about  by  a  combination  of  causes, 
the  most  important  of  which  were  defective 
methods  of  work,  laxity  of  discipline,  indifference 
and  lack -of  interest  on  the  part  of  some  of  the 
clerks,  many  of  whom  were  inattentive  to  duty, 
inefficient,  physically  or  mentally  disabled,  or  other- 
wise incompetent.  A  belief  seemed  to  pervade 
the  whole  office  that  no  improvement  in  the  old 
system  was  either  desirable  or  possible,  and  that 
any  change  made  in  it  must  necessarily  be  for  the 
worse.  To  such  an  extent  was  this  carried  that  the 


THE   WAR  DEPARTMENT. 

two  principal  officers  responsible  for  this  division 
were  of  opinion  that  for  efficient  and  constant  work 
it  was  necessary  to  have  from  two  to  ten  thousand 
cases  always  on  hand. 

Repeated  efforts  by  the  Department  to  secure 
greater  expedition  having  failed,  the  methods  of  work 
were  changed,  atonce  increasing  its  volume  without 
diminishing  its  accuracy;  the  discipline  of  the 
force  was  improved ;  disabled  clerks,  who,  for  vari- 
ous reasons,  were  entitled  to  consideration,  were 
assigned  to  such  duties  as  they  could  efficiently 
perform  with  comfort  to  themselves ;  twenty  clerks 
discharged ;  and  it  is  now  generally  understood  that 
the  work  of  the  office  is  of  the  first  importance,  to 
which  personal  preference  and  convenience  must 
yield,  and  it  has  been  clearly  demonstrated  that  a 
large  number  of  cases  on  hand  is  not  essential  to 
the  efficient  and  economical  employment  of  the 
clerks  engaged  on  pension  work.  Any  call  for  in- 
formation from  the  records  of  the  Surgeon- 
General's  Office  relative  to  pension  claims  can  now 
be  answered  in  from  one  to  three  days  from  the 
date  of  its  receipt. 

Since  the  accession  of  Mr.  Endicott,  Congress 
has  passed  more  so-called  "bridge  acts,"  authoriz-. 
ing  the  construction  of  bridges  across  the  navigable 
waters  of  the  United  States,  than  have  been  passed 
by  Congress  under  the  administration  of  any  Secre- 
tary for  the  previous  ten  years.  A  great  many  of 
these  acts  related  to  bridges  across  the  more  im- 
portant navigable  streams  of  the  country,  and  in 
nearly  every  instance  legal  questions  were  involved 
that  required  the  abilities  of  a  very  able  lawyer  to 
decide.  Among  the  more  important  of  the  bridge 
acts  mentioned  were  those  authorizing  the  construe- 


150  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

tion  of  the  bridge  across  the  Kill  von  Kull,  or 
Staten  Island  bridge ;  the  bridge  across  the  Hud- 
son River  at  Poughkeepsie ;  and  the  bridge  across 
the  Ohio  River  at  Cincinnati.  In  each  of  these 
acts  legal  questions  arose,  which  required  much 
deliberation,  and  Mr.  Endicott  was  enabled,  through 
his  intelligence  and  acumen,  to  render  such  deci- 
sions as  would  prove  not  to  be  inimical  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States,  at  the  same  time  observ- 
ing all  the  principles  of  equity  and  justice  to  the 
corporations  building  these  bridges. 

When  Mr.  Endicott  became  Secretary  of  War, 
he  found  great  inequality  in  the  punishment  of  sol- 
diers for  similar  offences  in  the  different  depart- 
ments and  divisions  of  the  Army.  With  a  view  to 
correcting  the  injustice  done  to  many  by  the  action 
of  courts,  he  caused  the  code  of  military  law  known 
as  the  Articles  of  War  to  be  examined,  looking  to 
their  amendment  so  as  to  make  them  more  in  con- 
sonance with  the  spirit  of  the  age  in  which  we  live 
than  at  the  time  of  their  original  adoption,  nearly  a 
hundred  years  ago.  He  recommended  to  Congress 
that  specific  punishments  should  be  awarded  for 
particular  offences,  and  not  to  leave  to  courts-mar- 
tial the  discretion  given  them  in  the  Articles  of 
War  as  they  stand  to-day.  In  the  meantime,  to  do 
what  he  could  within  the  law,  he  determined  to 
make  more  uniform,  the  punishments  awarded  for 
desertion,  by  fixing  the  period  of  confinement  at 
two  years,  for  in  different  departments  and  divisions 
they  would  be  sentenced  from  three  to  four  or  five 
years'  confinement  for  this  offence,  while  in  a  very 
few  instances  some  courts  would  sentence  them  to 
two  years.  Believing  that  the  sentences  for  these 


THE    WAR  DEPARTMENT. 


long  periods  were  oppressive,  the  Secretary  of  War 
limited  the  period  of  confinement  in  the  military 
prisons,  if  the  person's  behavior  was  such  as  to  en- 
able him  to  do  so,  to  two  years. 

In  matters  of  administration  few  men  who  have 
had  the  experience  of  Mr.  Endicott  have  done  more 
to  simplify  the  duties  of  the  Department,  and  to  in- 
augurate economy  in  the  discharge  of  its  functions. 
Wherever  it  was  possible  to  reduce  expenses  with- 
out crippling  the  service  to  any  extent,  the  Secre- 
tary has  retrenched  the  expenses  of  the  Depart- 
ment. Probably  never  in  the  administration  of  the 
affairs  of  the  War  Department  have  the  require- 
ments of  the  law  been  so  carefully  observed  as 
since  his  advent  as  head  of  the  Department. 


A 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    NAVY    DEPARTMENT. 

THE  Secretary  of  the  Navy  performs  such  duties 
as  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who  is 
Commander- in- Chief,  may  assign  him,  and  has  the 
general  superintendence  of  construction,  manning, 
armament,  equipment,  and  employment  of  vessels 
of  war. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE   NAVY. 
WILLIAM  C.  WHITNEY 

Was  born  at  Conway,  Mass.,  July  15,  1841. 
After  graduating  from  Williston  Seminary  at  East- 
hampton,  Mass.,  he  entered  Yale  College  in  1859; 
from  there  he  entered  the  law  school  of  Harvard 
College,  from  which  he  graduated  in  1865.  He 
continued  the  study  of  law  in  the  office  of  Hon. 
Abraham  R.  Lawrence,  in  New  York  City,  was 
admitted  to  the  bar,  and  entered  upon  the  practice 
of  law  in  New  York.  In  1872  he  was  appointed 
inspector  of  schools  in  the  same  city,  and  in 
August,  1875,  was  appointed  corporation  counsel. 
This  was  at  the  time  of  the  downfall  of  the  Tweed 
ring.  The  position  had  amounted  to  little  for 


154  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

many  years ;  but  now  it  suddenly  became  important, 
partly  because  of  the  mass  of  litigation  over  fraudu- 
lent claims  against  the  city,  but  largely  through  the 
celerity,  energy,  and  ability  shown  by  Mr.  Whitney 
in  clearing  off  the  cases.  This  achievement  estab- 
lished his  reputation  as  a  lawyer,  and  he  maintained 
it  during  his  continuance  in  office,  which  he  subse- 
quently resigned. 

Mr.  Whitney  is  a  natural  born  organizer,  and  in 
his  management  of  the  New  York  County  Democ- 
racy proved  his  ability  in  promoting  measures  for 
definite  objects.  As  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Mr. 
Whitney  has  had  the  good-will  and  support  of 
universal  public  opinion  in  his  efforts  to  secure  a 
first-class  navy  for  the  United  States ;  and  we  now 
propose  to  show  what  has  been  done  by  the  Navy 
Department  under  his  control. 

Under  the  present  Secretary,  a  great  advance  has 
been  made  in  the  work  of  this  department.  An 
entire  plant  for  a  new  navy  has  been  laid,  and  the 
work  is  steadily  progressing  towards  a  successful 
termination.  One  great  reason  for  this  success  is 
the  determination  of  the  Secretary  to  have  this 
department  managed  upon  business  principles,  with- 
out regard  to  the  red-tape  routine  which  existed 
on  his  taking  command.  As  is  well  known,  the 
condition  of  our  navy  in  1883  was  any  thing  but 
satisfactory,  and  proper  credit  should  be  given  to 
Secretary  Whitney  for '  placing  this  country  in  a 
position  where  we  shall  soon  be  free  from  any 
danger  from  a  foreign  foe. 


THE  NA  VY  DEPARTMENT. 


155 


The  striking  features  of  the  present  administra- 
tion of  the  Navy  Department  have  been, — 

ist,  The  high  character  of  its  designs  for  war- 
ships ;  the  great  advance  in  these  beyond  the  point 
reached  in  the  designs  for  the  "  Chicago,"  "  Atlanta," 
"  Boston,"  and  "  Dolphin  "  (in  1883)  ;  and  the  meth- 
ods of  making  contracts  for  the  construction  of  new 
vessels,  whereby  all  competitors  are  fully  acquainted 
with  the  definite  plans  and  details  of  the  vessels 
before  bidding,  and  contractors  are  rewarded  for  an 
excess  of  performance  beyond  that  specified  and 
required,  or  are  fined  for  a  failure  to  comply  with  the 
requirements. 


Horse- 

Power 

Date 

NAME. 

Displace- 
ment. 

Trial 
Speed. 

Horse- 
Power. 

per  Ton 
of 

Built  at. 

of 
Con- 

Machin- 

tract. 

ery. 

CHICAGO       .... 

A   COO 

16.3 

5,084 

5-4 

1883 

ATLANTA  

tftJ^^J 
3IQO 

15-5 

3,35° 

5.1 

1883 

BOSTON    

»'yw 

3    TQO 

Id.  O 

3,780 

5*7 

1883 

DOLPHIN       .... 

|»yw 

i  48? 

j-t-y 
TC    C 

2.253 

5.6 

Chester   

1883 

*l*rwO 

*3*  J 

Esti 

*,*jj 

mated. 

BALTIMORE     .    .    . 

4,413 

19  to  20 

10,700 

11.9 

Philadelphia     .    .    . 

886 

CHARLESTON  .    .    . 

3,73° 

18  to  19 

7,500 

0.5 

San  Francisco  .     .     . 

886 

YORK/TOWN.    .    .    . 

1,700 

16.0 

3,5oo 

0.3 

Philadelphia     .     .     . 

886 

PETREL     

800 

13.0 

1,300 

o.o 

Baltimore     .... 

886 

BENNINGTON 

uyw 

Chester             .    .    . 

887 

CONCORD     .... 

1,700 

16.0 

3,50° 
3-5oo 

0.3 
°-3 

Chester    

""/ 

887 

NEWARK 

i  O8l 

18.0 

8,500 

O.I 

Philadelphia      .     .     . 

887 

PHILADELPHIA    .     . 

*f»VVJJ 
4,324 

19  to  20 

10,700 

2.2 

Philadelphia      .     .     . 

887 

SAN    FRANCISCO     . 

4,083 

19  to  20 

10,700 

2.2 

San  Francisco  .     .    . 

887 

VESUVIUS     .... 

800 

2O  tO  21 

4,000 

6.0 

Philadelphia      .     .     . 

887 

TORPEDO    BOAT      . 

99 

23.0 

i,  600 

34-o 

Bristol,  R.I.      .    .     . 

883 

Armored 

Vessels. 

MAINE  

6,648 

17  O 

9,000 

9-9 

New  York  Navy  Yard, 

1887 

TEXAS  

6  300 

*/'v 

17.  0 

8,600 

10.4 

New  York  Navy  Yard, 

1887 

V,JWV 

"/•** 

156          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

An  examination  of  the  appended  table  will  show 
the  progress  made  in  the  requirements  for  speed, 
horse-power,  and  reduced  weight  of  machinery,  the 
amount  of  work  performed  or  in  hand,  and  the 
wider  distribution  of  naval  ship-building  throughout 
the  country. 

2d,  Furnishing  the  means  to  induce  the  estab- 
lishment of  plant  and  facilities  for  the  manufac- 
ture of  gun-forgings,  armor,  and  heavy  shafting, 
within  the  United  States,  so  as  to  enable  the  Gov- 
ernment and  private  firms  to  be  independent  of 
foreign  manufacturers ;  and  the  creation  of  naval 
gun  factories  at  the  Washington  Navy  Yard  and 
elsewhere. 

Hitherto,  it  has  been  necessary  to  purchase  heavy 
steel  shaftings,  armor-plates,  and  steel  forgings  for 
guns  of  more  than  eight-inch  calibre,  abroad  ;  but 
under  the  contract  of  the  Navy  Department  with  the 
Bethlehem  Iron  Company,  the  forgings  of  guns  up 
to  twelve-inch  calibre  will  begin  to  be  delivered  in 
August ;  the  shafting  for  new  vessels  can  be  made 
at  same  time ;  and  steel  armor  plates,  ranging  in 
thickness  from  three  to  twelve  inches,  will  be  deliv- 
ered in  1889  ;  while  the  gun  factory  will  at  the  same 
time  be  in  position  to  build  the  highest  power  guns 
up  to  sixteen  inches  calibre.  (At  the  present  time 
it  can  and  has  built  ten-inch  guns.) 

Heretofore  it  has  been  necessary  to  buy  heavy 
steel  shafting  abroad :  hereafter  it  can  be  furnished 
within  the  United  States. 

In  addition  to  the  more  powerful  and  heavier 
guns  to  be  built  at  the  naval  gun  factory,  the  Navy 
Department  will  be  supplied  with  the  recently  de- 
veloped rapid-fire  guns,  with  which  all  navies  are 


THE  NA  VY  DEPARTMENT.  \  5 7 

arming,  by  the  firm  of  Hotchkiss  &  Co.,  which  has 
established  connections  in  Connecticut  for  the 
manufacture  of  their  guns  and  ammunition,  all  of 
which  will  be  of  domestic  material  and  workman- 
ship. 

The  enormous  benefit  to  be  derived  by  the 
country,  in  the  possession  of  the  means  and  in- 
creased facilities  for  arming  its  fleet  or  other  fortifi- 
cations, cannot  be  overestimated. 

3^,  The  improvement  in  the  system  of  purchases, 
care  of  stores,  etc. 

By  the  consolidation  of  all  naval  stores  under  one 
store  keeper  at  each  naval  station,  great  economy 
has  been  accomplished.  The  reduction  during  the 
first  year  under  this  system,  in  the  expense  of 
handling  and  caring  for  stores,  including  clerks, 
has  been  over  25  per  cent,  or  a  net  gain  of  over 
$55,000. 

The  saving  to  the  Government  through  the  im- 
proved methods  of  making  contracts  for  the  entire 
naval  service,  and  of  concentrating  these  under  one 
head,  has  been  very  great. 

With  reference  to  the  former  and  the  present  sys- 
tems of  making  purchases  by  contract  and .  in  open 
market  for  the  navy,  it  is  difficult  to  present  a  com- 
parative statement  of  results,  or  an  exact  showing  of 
economy  now  achieved,  owing  to  the  lack  of  data  at 
command  concerning  the  former  method.  Under  that 
method,  each  bureau  controlled  its  own  purchases ; 
making  them  at  such  times  and  in  such  manner, 
under  the  law,  as  each  saw  fit  to  select.  In  order 
to  exhibit  a  comprehensive  statement  of  the  results 
achieved  through  that  system,  exhaustive  and  lengthy 
research  would  be  needed  in  the  respective  bureaus. 


158          THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

But  with  regard  to  the  present  system,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  Government  secures  much  better  terms 
by  buying  as  much  as  possible  under  yearly  con- 
tracts, thereby  aggregating  the  purchase  of  similar 
supplies  for  the  various  stations  in  one  or  more 
contracts  made  at  one  time.  By  consolidating 
the  work  of  purchase  as  far  as  possible,  there 
must  also  be  a  large  reduction  in  the  expense  of 
advertising. 

The  annual  contracts,  ninety-three  in  number, 
made  with  this  bureau  for  the  present  fiscal  year, 
1887-88,  amounted  to  $548,398.86 ;  the  open  pur- 
chases in  pursuance  of  approved  requisitions  upon 
the  purchasing  bureau  amount,  for  the  first  ten 
months  of  the  year,  to  $332,616.82.  These  figures 
embrace  the  general  purchases,  under  contract 
or  in  open  market,  pertaining  to  all  the  bureaus 
except  provisions  and  clothing  and  medicine  and 
surgery,  and  also  coal  and  stationery  for  these  two 
bureaus. 

For  the  ensuing  fiscal  year  all  the  work  of  con- 
tracts and  open  purchase,  and  all  the  accounts  and 
returns,  will  be  based  upon  the  new  classified  sched- 
ule of  naval  supplies  and  material.  By  the  system 
adopted,  the  purchasing  bureau  will  be  able  to  report 
at  the  end  of  the  year  the  exact  value  under  each  of 
the  classes  of  the  schedule  of  receipts,  expenditures, 
and  balances  remaining  in  hand  at  every  station  and 
on  board  every  ship.  These  results  can  be  pre- 
sented in  tabulated  form  in  such  manner  as  to 
give  a  valuable  digest  of  the  year's  work  in  all  that 
relates  to  the  purchase  and  expenditure  of  naval 
supplies. 


THE  NAVY  DEPARTMENT.  159 

It  will  thus  be  seen  that  in  the  Navy  Department, 
as  in  all  other  departments  of  this  Administration, 
there  is  a  steady  advance  in  satisfactory  results, 
which  are  secured  at  an  economical  saving  to  the 
finances  of  the  nation. 


CHAPTER    IX. 


THE  POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT. 

The  Postmaster-General  has  the  direction  and 
management  of  the  Post-Office  Department.  He 
appoints  all  officers  and  employees  of  the  Depart- 
ment, except  the  three  Assistant  Postmasters-Gen- 
eral, who  are  appointed  by  the  President,  by  and 
with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate;  ap- 
points all  postmasters  whose  compensation  does 
not  exceed  one  thousand  dollars ;  makes  postal 
treaties  with  foreign  Governments,  by  and  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  President,  awards  and 
executes  contracts,  and  directs  the  management  of 
the  domestic  and  foreign  mail  service. 

THE  POSTMASTER-GENERAL. 
DON  M.  DICKINSON 

Was  born  in  Auburn,  New  York  State,  about 
1846,  and  is  therefore  forty-two  years  old.  His 
family  came  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
where  it  was  widely  extended  and  well  known. 
His  father,  Asa  Dickinson,  settled  in  Michigan 
when  Don  was  a  boy,  and  he  was  educated  in  that 
State,  obtaining  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Laws  in 
1869. 


1 6  2  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

Mr.  Dickinson  early  showed  great  capacity  as  a 
civil  lawyer,  and  as  a  business  man's  attorney  he 
is  said  to  have  no  superior  in  his  State. 

His  professional  prosperity  has  kept  pace  with 
the  rise  in  his  reputation,  his  income  for  several 
years  having  been  not  less  than  $25,000.  Mr. 
Dickinson  has  not  until  very  recently  been  prom- 
inent in  politics,  his  interests  as  well  as  his  ener- 
gies having  been  engrossed  by  his  profession. 

In  1872,  being  still  a  young  man,  he  advocated 
the  election  of  Greely;  in  1876,  he  was  Chairman 
of  the  State  Committee  of  the  Democratic  party; 
in  1884,  he  was  a  member  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee which  managed  the  Democratic  canvass, 
and  December  6th,  1887,  he  was  nominated  by  the 
President  as  Postmaster-General. 

There  is  no  Department  in  the  Government  that 
appeals  to  the  interest  of  every  American  citizen 
so  strongly  as  the  Post-Office  Department.  Its 
agents  are  welcomed  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Paci- 
fic, from  the  mountains  of  Alaska  to  the  plains  of 
Texas,  and  probably  few  of  our  readers,  when  in. 
daily  receipt  of  their  correspondence,  have  the 
faintest  idea  of  the  enormous  extent  of  the  duties 
so  ably  managed  by  this  Department  under  the 
careful  supervision  of  the  Postmaster-General, 
from  whose  last  report  we  annex  such  extracts  as 
will  in  a  condensed  form  supply  such  information 
as  may  be  most  interesting. 

The  expectation  of  growth  and  improvement  in  the  affairs  of 
the  postal  service,  indulged  in  previous  reports,  has  been  realized 
during  the  past  year.  In  part  arising  from  an  extension  of  the 
limits  of  mailable  matter  of  the  fourth  class — ordered  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  trade — and  from  the  receipts  of  the  special- 
delivery  service,  but  chiefly  from  the  greater  employment  of  all 


THE  POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT. 

postal  facilities  consequent  upon  the  rising  business  prosperity 
of  the  country,  faithfully  reflected  in  the  postal  service,  the 
revenues  have  gained  upon  the  preceding  year  by  nearly 
$4,840,000,  attaining  a  height  never  reached  before,  despite  the 
restrictive  operations  of  various  reductions  in  the  rates  of  post- 
age. Upon  the  other  hand,  the  study  of  economy  has  not  been 
without  effect  in  restraining  the  necessarily  rising  scale  of  ex- 
penditure, so  that  the  increase  of  cash  disbursements  has  but 
little  overstepped  $2,000,000.  *  *  *  The  time  is  probably  not 
distant  when,  if  the  wisest  measures  of  economy  be  pursued,  the 
rate  of  charge  upon  letters  can  be  properly  lowered  to  one  cent 
an  ounce,  and  some  diminishment  permitted  in  the  postages 
upon  merchandise  and  other  matter.  But  the  letter  postage  of 
the  United  States  is  now  fixed  at  a  rate  below  that  of  all  other 
countries  save  one,  and,  when  the  distances  of  transportation 
are  considered,  is  cheaper  than  in  any  other,  and  the  combined 
receipts  from  all  mail  matter  not  of  the  first  class  fall  far  short 
of  its  handling,  affording  little  claim  therefore  for  less  postage 
charges. 

The  paramount  duty  of  the  Government,  so  far  as  it  concerns 
this  Department,  is  to  furnish  the  most  perfect  and  useful  postal 
facilities  to  the  people,  within  the  authority  of  the  Constitution, 
which  the  skill  of  man  can  provide.  It  is  due  to  the  character 
of  the  citizens  of  this  country,  to  their  freedom  and  enlighten- 
ment, to  their  enterprise  and  activity,  to  their  wealth  and  power, 
and  especially  to  the  intimacy  of  their  personal  relations  main- 
tained over  so  great  an  expanse  of  territory  to  an  extent  never 
equalled,  hardly  aimed  at,  elsewhere  on  the  globe,  from  which 
arise  the  fraternity  of  feeling  and  community  of  interest  that 
furnish  the  safest  guarantees  for  the  future  stability  and  value 
of  our  Federal  institutions.  It  is,  indeed,  their  due  as  a 
personal,  individual  right,  because  the  Government  monopolizes 
the  postal  business  and  forbids  them  all  other  attempts  at  self- 
service.  Upon  every  ground  the  postal  service  rightfully  urges 
a  constant  and  exacting  demand  upon  legislative  and  executive 
wisdom  and  labor  for  its  enlargement  and  improvement  to  the 
utmost  of  perfectibility.  *  *  * 

The  whole  number  of  post-offices  on  the  ist  day  of  October, 
1887,  had  become  55,434,  of  which  2,381  were  salaried  or  Presi- 
dential offices,  distributed  in  classes,  and  53,053  were  fourth 
class.  Besides  these  were  625  branch  offices  or  stations,  an  in- 
crease of  12,  for  the  sale  of  stamps  only.  Of  the  whole,  8,089 
were  money-order  offices  and  no  money-order  stations.  * 


164         THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 

The  division  of  post-offices  into  the  two  general  classes  —  by 
distinguishing  those  the  importance  and  magnitude  of  whose 
business  is  such  as  to  require  independent  and  separate  main- 
tenance from  those  which  can  properly  be  carried  on  in  connec- 
tion with  a  private  business  —  implies  that  the  former  be  regard- 
ed and  treated  entirely  as  Government  offices  in  every  particular 
of  their  affairs.  This  consequence  is  demanded  by  the  soundest 
principles  of  public  business,  and  its  recognition  appears  to 
promise  far  more  satisfactory  and  efficient  service.  The  office 
should  then  become  the  care  of  the  Department,  be  provided 
and  equipped,  supplied  and  maintained  at  its  cost,  and  the  post- 
master paid  by  a  salary  measured  by  the  nature  of  the  responsi- 
bilities and  duties  imposed  upon  him.  His  time  and  labor, 
reasonably  exacted,  belong  then  to  the  Government,  to  be  ap- 
plied not  only  to  proper  supervision  but  to  such  other  duties  of 
his  office  as  their  use  may  enable  the  proper  discharge  of  by 
him  personally;  and  for  the  excess  of  necessary  service  required 
the  proper  provision  of  clerks  devolves  upon  the  Department. 

The  Postmaster-General  makes  the  following 
important  statement  in  reference  to  the  cost  of  the 
Post-Office  Buildings. 

Obviously  the  first  objection  to  be  fairly  met  and  perfectly 
guarded  is  the  risk  of  unnecessary  and  lavish  expenditure ;  and 
the  sure  economy  of  such  a  course  of  extensive  construction  de- 
mands to  be  demonstrated  and  its  satisfactory  safeguards  dis- 
cerned and  provided.  Yet  it  will  be  remarked  that  Congress 
necessarily  loses  no  control  over  the  subject,  and  can  apply  any 
checks  from  time  to  time  not  foreseen  to  be  requisite  but  dis- 
covered to  be  by  trial ;  and  the  official  responsibility  of  the 
officers  of  the  Department,  with  the  limitations  fixed  by  appro- 
priation and  by  public  criticism,  affords  trustworthy  grounds  for 
confidence  in  the  experiment.  Indeed  it  may  be  truly  said, 
notwithstanding  instances  of  peculation  and  criminal  miscon- 
duct inseparable  from  human  trusts,  that  the  record  of  the  vast 
expenditures  and  performances  of  the  Post-Office  Department, 
during  its  history,  displays  such  fidelity  in  the  use  of  public 
money  and  the  accomplishment  of  results  so  satisfactorily  an- 
swerable to  its  proportionable  outlays,  that  no  agency  of  the 
Government  promises  to  better  justify  the  proper  deposit  of  ex- 
tensive authority  to  attempt  a  great  undertaking  for  the  public 
benefit  and  the  improvement  of  its  service. 


THE  POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT.  165 

In  reference  to  Post-Office  clerks  the  report  of 
the  Postmaster-General  makes  the  following  sug- 
gestions which  convey  conviction  to  the  practical 
mind  of  every  business  man. 

The  first  aim  should  seemingly  be  to  settle  the  rules  by  which 
to  determine  in  what  offices  and  to  what  extent  clerical  service, 
in  addition  to  the  postmaster's  personal  service,  ought  to  be  fur- 
nished by  the  Department.  This  is  properly  dependent  on  the 
nature  and  magnitude  of  the  work  required  at  the  office.  It 
does  not  depend  on  the  gross  receipts,  nor  is  it  to  be  gauged  by 
them.  The  tables  show  this  clearly.  And  the  work  in  post- 
offices  divides  into  many  different  kinds,  each  of  which  requires 
an  especial  consideration.  The  desideratum  is,  a  fixed  scale 
for  measurement  —  not  in  money,  but  in  clerical  power  or 
capacity  —  of  the  several  kinds  of  work,  in  order  to  make  the 
adequate  provision  for  each  branch  of  duty,  and  in  total.  This 
appears  attainable  by  a  study  of  each  species  of  labor  sufficiently 
to  determine  how  much  of  it  a  person  of  average  competency 
should  perform  in  a  given  time  ;  the  perception  of  the  proper 
unit  of  measure  in  each  grade  of  duty. 

Given  the  rules,  the  particular  facts  to  which  they  are  to  be 
applied  must  then  be  reliably  found.  This  suggests  the  second 
aim  of  such  an  inquiry :  the  discovery  or  invention  of  the 
methods  by  which  the  postmaster  may  trustworthily  take  the 
census  of  his  various  duties  and  make  faithful  reports  thereof  in 
such  form  that  the  true  estimation  of  the  clerical  service  due  his 
circumstances  arises  from  the  application  of  the  rules. 

The  third  point  indicated  is,  that  the  entire  body  of  post- 
office  clerks  requires  to  be  intelligently  graded  into  classes  and 
divisions,  adapted  to  the  work  in  post-offices,  the  pay  of  each 
grade  and  rank  predetermined  ;  and  assignment  of  the  force 
found  necessary  for  the  work  —  according  to  the  prescribed  rules 
—  should  be  of  clerks  of  the  requisite  grades,  chargeable  to  the 
Department,  instead  of  being  in  money  to  the  postmaster  to  em- 
ploy service.  *  *  * 

So  signally  helpful  to  the  public  service  is  a  well-trained,  well- 
disposed,  faithful,  honest,  and  patriotic  postal  clerk,  who  is  de- 
voted to  his  duty,  and  content  to  confine  himself  to  its  excellent 
performance  as  his  best  recommendation,  eschewing  foreign 
contentions  which  excite  needless  animosity  and  invite  attack, 
that  no  superior  who  sustains  the  care  of  the  service  fails  to 


1 66  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

recognize  the  injury  to  the  public  interests  of  his  loss.  It  is 
undeniably  true  that  equally  as  good  may  elsewhere  be  found,  and 
in  time  a  practised  and  competent  successor  may  stand  in  his 
stead.  But  it  is  not  enough  for  the  particular  exigency  that 
humanity  betters  with  time,  and  the  present  and  future  hold  as 
suitable  for  every  vocation  as  the  past.  Time  is  of  the  essence 
of  excellence  in  the  mail  service,  and  immediate  provision  for 
a  loss  is  its  imperative  demand,  rendering  the  needless  loss  of 
a  valuable,  well-governed  employe  in  such  a  place  a  breach  of 
public  duty.  The  private  wrong  may  be  also  great,  especially 
when  many  years  have  been  given  to  faithful  service  of  the 
Government  for  a  rate  of  pay  which  offers  no  possibility  of  much 
saving,  and  natural  disqualification  for  other  avocations  can  not 
but  have  resulted. 

The  postal  service  is  prominent  among  the  agencies  which 
the  common  Government  can  better  wield  for  the  common  good 
than  any  private  or  corporate  hands.  Yet  its  efficiency  demands 
so  vast  a  body  of  public  servants,  responsive  to  the  will  of  the 
central  authority,  that  no  branch  is  more  within  the  just  appre- 
hension of  lodging  excessive  power  in  the  Federal  Government. 
No  principle  has  been  more  aptly  and  vigorously  invoked  to 
limit  the  extension  of  the  Department's  powers,  especially  to 
•withhold  control  over  the  kindred  function  adjoined  to  it  by  so 
many  civilized  countries,  the  management  of  correspondence  by 
the  electric  wire.  Yet  no  counteracting  force  can  more  effectively 
modify  the  danger-and  deliver  the  agency  of  Government  from 
the  chains  of  that  wise  fear  to  a  greater  public  usefulness  than 
such  a  course  of  appointment  and  such  a  tenure  in  appointees 
as  will  render  them  dependent  only  on  excellence  in  public  ser- 
vice and  fidelity  to  the  common  interest,  while  they  remain  in 
and  subject  to  the  influences  of  different  localities  to  which  they 
belong  and  their  service  is  immediately  directed.  Discrimina- 
tion in  original  selection  diminishes  the  risks  of  incurring  the 
censure  of  sound  discipline ;  and  amenability  to  no  other 
criticism  for  continuance  in  duty  enfranchises  the  officer  in 
great  degree  from  the  perilous  subserviency. 

The  importance  of  the   CARRIER    SERVICE    is  re- 
cognized. 

There  should  be  no  hesitation  in  providing  every  city  and 
town  in  the  United  States  with  this  service,  whose  business 
interests  and  local  conditions  are  such. as  to  make  it  of  an 


THE  POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT.  167 

advantage  compensatory  to  its  cost.  There  can  justly  be 
no  shorter  limitation.  One  such  community  of  our  people  is 
equally  entitled  with  another ;  and  all  such  are  entitled  by  the 
best  claim,  American  citizenship  upon  American  enterprise,  to 
the  highest  conveniences  of  the  best  postal  system.  No  limita- 
tion is  to  be  justly  found  in  the  relation  of  local  postage  to  the 
cost  of  this  service.  The  aggregate  of  such  postage  exceeded 
the  entire  cost  of  carrier-delivery  in  the  past  year  by  $2,072,- 
561.62,  and  each  year  the  excess  will  be  more.  But  30  cities 
out  of  329  now  in  possession  realized  this  result  independently, 
so  that  the  claim  of  such  as  do  not  enjoy  it  is  equal  to  that  of 
the  other  299  which  are  assisted  to  maintain  it.  The  liberal 
policy  approved  by  Congress  is  fully  warranted  by  the  finances 
of  the  postal  service,  and  will  doubtless  be  generously  pursued 
hereafter.  *  *  * 

The  extent  of  our  DOMESTIC  SERVICE  is  given :  — 

The  large  area  of  our  country  and  the  equality  of  privileges 
enjoyed  in  all  parts  of  it,  with  the  corresponding  diffusion  of  all 
the  advantages,  accompanied  by  all  the  demands  of  high  civiliza- 
tion, have  caused  the  gradual  augmentation  of  our  system  of 
mail  transportation  to  its  present  immensity,  and  continually 
press  its  greater  extension.  The  most  trustworthy,  statistics  at 
command  show  that  all  the  residue  of  the  globe  possesses  no 
more  miles  of  railroads  employed  in  mail  carriage  than  the 
United  States  alone,  and  that  no  other  one  nation  maintains 
one-quarter  the  amount  of  other  methods  of  mail  transporta- 
tion. *  *  * 

In  1886  there  were  handled  by  clerks  in  the  Railway  Mail 
Service,  of  letters,  ordinary  mail  matter,  registered  packages, 
through  registered  pouches,  and  inner  registered  sacks,  5,345,- 
846,044.  In  1887,  5,851,394,057  ;  being  an  increase  of  505,- 
148,053  pieces,  or  9.46  per  cent. 

And  the  extent  of  FOREIGN  SERVICE  as  follows :  — 

The  Foreign  Mail  Service  has  been  satisfactorily  conducted 
during  the  past  year.  The  use  of  all  vessels,  whether  foreign 
or  domestic,  departing  from  our  ports  for  other  countries,  has 
been  regularly  tendered  to  the  Department,  and  the  most  favor- 
able opportunities  for  frequent  and  rapid  transportation  afforded 
by  ocean  carriers  have  been  availed  of.  In  the  transatlantic  ser- 
vice, where  many  vessels  of  rival  lines  compete  for  patronage, 


1 68  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

the  swiftest  have  been  chosen  for  employment  from  week  to 
week  in  accordance  with  the  settled  policy  of  the  Department. 
The  service  so  secured  is  unequalled  by  that  of  any  other 
country;  contrasting  conspicuously  to  our  advantage  with  the 
service  inward  from  Great  Britain,  which  is  maintained  at 
greater  cost  and  less  efficiency  by  adherence  to  the  system  of 
contracting  with  particular  lines  for  annual  subsidies.  The  rates 
paid  by  the  United  States  are  highly  remunerative  to  the  princi- 
pal companies  whose  swift  ships  secure  the  heaviest  mails ; 
probably  yielding  greater  profit,  proportioned  to  space,  weight, 
and  expense,  than  anything  transported  except  jewels  and 
precious  metals ;  if,  indeed,  they  are  to  be  excepted. 

The  entire  weight  of  our  foreign  mail  despatches  by  sea  was 
nearly  1,500,000  kilograms,  or  3.278,269  pounds,  of  which  568,- 
728  were  of  letter  mail  and  2,709,541  pounds  of  prints  and  merch- 
andise samples.  Nine-tenths  of  the  letter  mail  was  European- 
bound,  and  but  about  one-tenth  for  South  America,  the  West 
Indies,  Pacific  Islands,  and  the  Orient  combined  ;  but  of  the 
paper  and  samples  mail  the  latter  countries  received  nearly  one- 
fourth,  and  the  despatches  across  the  Atlantic  were  little  over 
three-fourths. 

The  increase  in  the  gross  weight  of  our  ocean  mails  was  about 
410,488  pounds  ;  the  transatlantic  letter  mail  gaining  10.59  Per 
cent,  and  the  Central  and  South  American  19.21  per  cent.;  the 
paper  mail  in  approximate  similar  ratios.  As  an  indication  of 
increasing  trade  with  the  countries  of  our  hemisphere  these  are 
acceptable  facts.  The  increase  in  the  sailings  from  our  ports 
of  steamships  bound  for  the  West  Indies,  Central  or  South 
American  ports  is  pleasingly  cumulative,  having  been  greater 
during  the  last  fiscal  year  than  for  many  previous  years,  perhaps 
than  for  any,  the  total  number  of  such  sailings  at  the  three 
ports  of  New  York,  New  Orleans,  and  San  Francisco  being  re- 
ported at  831,  as  against  712  during  the  preceding  year. 

The  following  important  Postal  Conventions 
have  been  executed  since  March  4,  1885,  with 
Tasmania,  Mexico  and  Canada,  also  Parcel  Post 
Conventions  with  Jamaica,  Barbadoes,  the  Baha- 
mas and  British  Honduras,  and  nearly  completed 
with  Mexico  ;  through  these  conventions  our  citizens 
enjoy  advantages  which  when  understood  will  be 
sure  to  be  appreciated. 


THE  POST-OFFICE  DEPARTMENT.  169 

Besides  the  foregoing,  negotiations  have  been  opened  with 
the  countries  of  the  Central  and  South  American  states,  and 
the  favorable  replies  received  indicate  that,  after  a  sufficient  con- 
sideration, many,  if  not  all,  will  join  in  this  arrangement  of 
such  excellent  promise  to  enlarge  the  commercial  and  individ- 
ual intercourse  between  the  peoples  of  this  continent.  It  is  the 
purpose  of  this  Department  to  spare  no  pains  to  this  end,  if 
the  course  shall  be  found  to  have  the  favor  of  Congress. 

The  great  gain  which  would  surely  follow  such  a  system  with 
the  Republics  of  Uruguay  and  the  Argentine  Confederation 
furnish  additional  reasons  for  the  provision  of  a  direct  mail 
between  those  countries  and  ours. 

The  natural  ending  of  the  Post-Office  Depart- 
ment  is 

THE  DEAD-LETTER  OFFICE. 

The  Dead-Letter  Office  was  placed  under  charge  of  a  super- 
intendent at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  as  a  separate  office, 
pursuant  to  the  Act  of  Congress  authorizing  its  detachment  from 
the  office  of  the  Third  Assistant.  From  the  report  of  the  Super- 
intendent it  appears  that  the  work  of  this  office  has  considerably 
increased. 

During  the  year  5,578,965  pieces  of  mail  matter  were  treated, 
increasing  by  11.4  per  cent,  over  1886  and  by  about  17  per  cent, 
over  1885.  This  increase  is  in  part  attributable  to  the  enlarged 
volume  of  mail  matter  transported,  and  partly  to  the  greater 
care  taken  by  postmasters  in  rendering  returns  of  undelivered 
matter  and  withdrawing  from  the  mails  such  as  is  unmailable. 

Among  the  interesting  items  of  the  work  performed  it  is  to 
be  noted  that  456,183  pieces  of  mail  arriving  from  foreign  lands 
were  returned  to  the  country  of  origin  ;  that  12,725  letters,  in- 
closing in  the  aggregate  $22,639.12,  and  21,868  letters  contain- 
ing drafts,  notes,  checks,  money-orders,  etc.,  of  the  amount  in 
face  value  of  $7,581,761.10,  were  restored  to  the  owners. 

There  was  derived  to  the  postal  revenue  from  dead  mail  mat- 
ter the  sum  of  $9,593.77,  $714-48  in  excess  of  the  previous  year. 

Magazines,  pamphlets,  and  other  reading  matter  incapable  of 
return,  have  been  distributed  to  the  various  charitable  institu- 
tions in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  all  18,182  pieces. 

In  closing  this  most  interesting  summary  of  the 
work  of  the  Post-Office  Department  it  will  be  re- 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

membered  that  it  was  first  under  the  administration 
of  Colonel  Vilas,  now  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
Department,  and  that  Mr.  Dickinson  has  entered 
with  energy  upon  the  work  so  well  started.  The 
present  Postmaster-General  is  the  author  of  the 
very  important  bill  now  before  Congress  to  provide 
separate  small  post-offices  throughout  the  country 
at  an  actual  saving  to  the  Government  and  confer- 
ring a  benefit  upon  our  people  which  is  sure  to  be 
appreciated.  In  no  way  could  we  have  presented 
more  clearly  to  our  readers  the  progress  made  by 
the  various  Departments  under  the  present  admin- 
istration than  by  thus  showing  that  the  Post-Office 
Department  has  accomplished  more  work  at  less 
cost  and  to  the  better  satisfaction  of  the  entire  na- 
tion than  has  ever  been  done  before. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE    DEPARTMENT   OF   THE    INTERIOR. 

THE  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  charged  with  the 
supervision  of  public  business  relating  to  patents 
for  inventions  ;  pension  and  bounty  lands ;  the  pub- 
lic lands,  including  mines  ;  the  Indians  ;  education  ; 
railroads ;  the  public  surveys ;  the  census,  when 
directed  by  law ;  the  custody  and  distribution  of 
public  documents ;  and  certain  hospitals  and  elee- 
mosynary institutions  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
He  also  exercises  certain  powers  and  duties  in 
relation  to  the  Territories  of  the  United  States. 

THE  SECRETARY  OF   THE  INTERIOR. 
WILLIAM  F.  VILAS 

was  born  at  Chelsea,  Vt.,  July  9,  1840.  He  removed 
with  his  parents,  in  1851,  to  Madison,  Wis.,  gradu- 
ated from  the  Wisconsin  State  University  in  1858, 
and  from  the  law  school,  Albany,  N.Y.,  in  1860, 
when  he  was  admitted  to  the  Wisconsin  bar,  and 
entered  upon  the  practice  of  the  law  at  Madison. 
In  1862  Mr.  Vilas  raised  a  company  of  volunteers, 


1/2  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

and  joined  the  Twenty-third  Wisconsin  Regiment  as 
captain  in  March,  1863  ;  was  promoted  to  lieuten- 
ant-colonel, and  had  command  of  his  regiment  during 
the  siege  of  Vicksburg  and  for  two  months  after- 
wards. Resigned  his  commission  in  1863,  and  re- 
newed the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Madison. 
He  was  appointed  lecturer  in  the  Department  of 
Law,  Wisconsin  State  University,  and  was  a  member 
of  the  Board  of  Regents  of  that  institution,  from 
1875  to  1878. 

By  appointment  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  of  Wisconsin,  Col.  Vilas  was  one  of  the  revi- 
sers of  the  statutes  of  the  State. 

In  1884  he  was  chairman  of  the  Democratic 
National  Committee.  It  has  been  generally  con- 
ceded at  home  that  Col.  Vilas  was  the  leader  of  the 
Madison  bar,  and  he  was  recognized  as  one  of 
the  most  able  and  eloquent  advocates  of  Wiscon- 
sin. His  reputation  as  an  orator  began  with  his 
famous  eulogy  of  Grant  at  the  Chicago  banquet. 
Col.  Vilas  is  a  man  of  genuine  brilliancy,  and  of 
great  abilities  as  a  lawyer  and  a  scholar,  and  his 
selection  by  President  Cleveland  as  Postmaster-Gen- 
eral was  universally  applauded.  Upon  the  selection 
of  Secretary  Lamar  to  fill  a  seat  on  the  supreme 
bench,  Mr.  Cleveland  appointed  Col.  Vilas  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior.  He  has  entered  upon  his 
duties  with  his  usual  conscientious  energy,  and  the 
large  portion  of  our  people  who  are  interested  in 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR.        173 

the  work  of  the  Interior  Department  can  form  their 
conclusions  as  to  its  progress  from  the  statements 
which  follow. 

The  work  of  this  department  comprises  the  most 
important  interests  of  the  country,  and  it  is  quite 
impossible  to  do  more  than  refer  to  such  offices  and 
bureaus  as  have  charge  of  the  leading  subjects  to 
which  attention  should  be  called. 

THE    PATENT   OFFICE. 

In  this  important  bureau  of  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment, as  in  the  other  departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment, we  see  the  same  salutary  reforms  and  changes 
which  have  characterized  the  advent  of  the  present 
Administration. 

The  country  was  met  with  what  seemed  to  be  a 
very  plausible  and  vehement  objection  at  first,  that 
a  change  of  administration  would  work  disastrously 
to  the  business  of  the  departments  and  bureaus.  It 
was  charged  that  turning  out  old  and  trusted  offi- 
cials, and  putting  in  new  ones,  would  have  the  effect 
of  impairing  the  public  service. 

Time  has  contradicted  these  misgivings  and  fore- 
bodings, that  a  change  would  impair  the  public  ser- 
vice ;  and  it  is  confidently  claimed  that  in  no  bureau 
has  such  a  charge  been  more  plainly  and  clearly 
contradicted,  than  in  the  Patent  Office.  Not  only 
has  the  public  business  of  this  office  not  been  in  the 
least  lessened,  or  the  efficiency  of  the  public  service 
impaired,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  we  see  a  steady 
growth,  both  of  the  business  of  the  office,  and  the 
respect  in  which  it  is  held  by  the  inventors  of  the 


174  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

country ;  and  that  this  steady  growth,  this  keeping 
up  in  its  full  vigor  the  business  of  the  office,  has 
been  accomplished  under  many  disadvantageous 
circumstances. 

During  President  Cleveland's  administration,  the 
records  as  seen  from  time  to  time  in  the  reports  of 
both  the  Hon.  M.  V.  Montgomery,  the  first  Com- 
missioner of  Patents  under  President  Cleveland's 
administration,  and  the  Hon.  Benton  J.  Hall,  the 
present  incumbent,  give  a  most  satisfactory  and 
creditable  showing^of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
Patent  Office. 

Mr.  Montgomery  succeeded  Hon.  Benjamin  But- 
terworth ;  and  it  will  be  seen,  that,  with  about  the 
same  force,  and  lessened  expenditure,  more  business 
was  transacted  from  1885  UP  to  the  en^  of  his  offi- 
cial incumbency  than  was  ever  before  transacted  in 
the  same  time  in  the  history  of  the  Patent  Office.  It 
will  also  be  seen,  from  his  annual  report  to  Congress, 
that  the  number  of  applications,  and  the  number  of 
patents  granted,  was  largely  in  excess  of  applications 
received  and  patents  granted  by  his  predecessor  ;  and 
that  he  transacted  a  larger  amount  of  business,  and 
turned  into  the  treasury  over  fifty-seven  thousand 
dollars  more  than  was  turned  in  by  the  preceding 
Commissioner  of  Patents. 

It  should  also  be  noted,  that,  for  the  first  six 
months  of  the  fiscal  year  of  1886,  the  Commissioner 
of  Patents  covered  into  the  United  States  Treasury 
$114,899.74,  which  was  a  greater  surplus  for  six 
months  than  for  the  entire  year  of  1884,  and  that 
the  applications  for  patents  exceeded  those  for  the 
same  period  by  nearly  two  thousand. 

The  undisputed  concurrent  testimony  of  the  offi- 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR. 


175 


cers  of  the  bureau,  a  large  per  cent  of  whom  are 
Republicans  holding  over  from  old  Republican  admin- 
istrations, shows  that  the  bureau  has  never  before  in 
the  history  of  the  office  done  so  much  work,  at  so 
small  an  expense,  and  with  the  same  official  and 
clerical  help,  as  under  the  administration  of  the 
Hon.  Benton  J.  Hall.  And  it  is  proper  here  to  say 
that  he  has  shown  rare  skill  in  the  management 
of  the  Patent  Office ;  and  when  it  is  remembered 
that  probably  seventy  per  cent  of  the  officials 
under  him,  and  upon  whom  he  must  rely  largely 
in  the  direction  of  the  duties  pertaining  to  the 
office,  hold  political  views  different  from  his  own, 
it  is  a  worthy  tribute  to  his  efficiency  and  sterling 
executive  worth  that  he  should  have  enlisted  the 
cordial  co-operation  of  this  force  in  the  many  valu- 
able suggestions  and  reforms  made  and  inaugurated 
by  himself. 

The  decisions  of  this  commissioner,  by  the  uni- 
versal consent  of  the  bar  of  the  district,  and  by  the 
attorneys  practising  before  the  office,  representing 
as  they  do  the  interests  of  the  thousands  of  invent- 
ors all  over  the  country,  take  a  high  rank.  Indeed, 
so  marked  has  been  the  judicial  ability  displayed  by 
Commissioner  Hall,  that  it  has  drawn  from  the  lead- 
ing papers  of  the  Republican  party  many  worthy 
tributes  to  this  efficient  and  scholarly  official.  Prom- 
inent among  the  notices  in  the  Republican  papers  of 
Mr.  Hall's  rare  efficiency  and  capacity,  is  one  taken 
from  the  "  New  York  Tribune  "  of  Oct.  i,  1887,  and 
voices  probably  the  sentiments  of  all.  This  article 
is  printed  in  the  "  Scientific  American,"  one  of  the 
ablest  industrial  journals  in  the  world,  with  added 
editorial  comments  of  a  high  character.  It  says,  — 


176  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

"  In  brief,  he  seems  to  recognize  the  fact  that  the  Patent  Office 
is  not  a  political  office ;  that  it  is  supported  by  the  men  of  a  par- 
ticular class,  the  inventors,  —  so  well  supported,  in  short,  that  the 
yearly  dividend  of  twenty  per  cent  is  realized  from  the  fees  paid  in, 
while  there  is  an  accumulated  surplus  of  three  millions  of  dollars 
in  the  treasury. 

"  Every  week's  issue  of  the  '  Official  Gazette  '  contains  from 
one  to  three  of  the  commissioner's  decisions  on  points  of  office 
practice,  designed  to  bring  uniformity  in  the  same  among  the 
different  divisions.  If  the  story  told  by  the  attorneys  is  to  be 
believed,  something  of  that  kind  is  badly  needed." 

The  "Scientific  American"  then  proceeds  to  add 
editorially,  — 

"  The  encomium  of  the  '  Tribune '  on  Commissioner  Hall  is 
just,  and  reminds  one  of  the  patent-office  administration  under  the 
commissionerships  of  Judge  Mason  and  Judge  Holt,  which  was  a 
good  while  ago,  but  whom  the  few  of  us  live  to  remember  with 
satisfaction." 

In  this  necessarily  brief  notice  space  is  not  per- 
mitted to  mention  the  many  able  and  valuable  decis- 
ions of  Commissioner  Hall,  touching  as  they  do  the 
direct  and  varied  interests  of  the  tens  of  thousands 
of  inventors  throughout  the  country.  It  is  a  worthy 
tribute  to  President  Cleveland's  selection  of  this  able 
official  to  refer  in  this  connection  to  the  many 
reforms  recommended  in  the  Patent  Office  by 
Commissioner  Hall ;  foremost  of  which,  and  as 
forming  a  part  of  the  issues  to  which  the  public 
mind  will  be  directed  in  the  coming  campaign,  is  the 
abuse  of  organized  wealth  and  corporate  power  as 
they  affect  the  actual  workings  of  the  Patent  Office 
which  the  commissioner  has  striven  to  remedy. 

Corporate  power,  grown  to  an  alarming  size  dur- 
ing the  past  quarter  of  a  century  by  special  class 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR.        177 

legislation,  and  the  many  privileges  given  to  it  during 
the  Republican  regime,  has  pushed  its  baleful  influ- 
ences even  into  the  industrial  arts. 

For  years  it  has  been  known  that  the  real  in- 
ventors of  the  country,  most  of  them  humble  but 
skilled  mechanics  in  the  industrial  arts,  have  utterly 
failed  to  secure  the  benefits  of  their  inventive  genius. 
Seldom  has  it  been  that  the  real  inventor  has  reaped 
the  harvest  of  his  patience  and  his  skill.  It  has 
been  seen  that  the  influence  and  greed  of  corporate 
power,  with  its  restless  and  corrupting  energies,  have 
been  specially  directed  to  the  monopolization  of 
labor-saving  devices  in  all  branches  of  mechanics ; 
so  that  it  can  be  said  to  control,  and,  in  fact,  has 
aggregated  to  itself  by  the  use  of  enormous  capital, 
the  skill  of  the  inventive  genius  of  the  country. 
Almost  every  invention,  representing  years  of  some 
ingenious  mechanic's  life,  is  immediately  seized  upon 
by  some  monopoly  or  other,  the  interest  of  the  in- 
ventor bought  for  a  song,  and  the  benefits  of  the 
invention,  which  the  spirit  of  the  patent  laws  intended 
should  go  to  the  public  at  large,  have  been  held 
for  the  advantage  of  the  special  few,  to  be  doled  out 
by  corporations  to  the  general  public  at  enormous 
profits  to  the  managers. 

The  cause  of  general  industry  gains  nothing. 
Labor  where  it  has  thus  been  controlled  by  corpora- 
tions has  received  no  substantial  benefits  from  inven- 
tion, and  capital  organized  against  the  interests  of 
the  masses  received  the  enormous  gains  which  have 
made  these  monopolies  threatening  factors  in  social 
and  political  life,  inimical  to  the  interests  of  the 
masses  of  the  laboring  people. 

Commissioner   Hall,  among   other  valuable   sug- 


178  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

gestions  for  reform,  referring  to  the  corrupt  power 
of  corporate  wealth,  and  the  pernicious  influences  of 
its  presence  in  the  Patent  Office,  said  in  his  annual 
report  for  the  year  ending  December,  1887,  when 
the  consideration  of  section  4894  of  the  Revised 
Statutes  was  before  him,  that  this  section  of  the 
statute  enables  rich  and  influential  parties  to  keep 
the  applications  for  patents,  of  which  they  are  the 
assignees,  pending  in  the  office  for  years  before 
their  patent  is  issued.  In  the  mean  time,  they  are 
engaged  in  manufacturing  and  putting  upon  the 
market  the  article  or  improvement,  but  warning 
the  public  that  the  patent  is  "  applied  for  ;  "  the  effect 
of  which  is  to  give  them  the  absolute  control  of 
the  monopoly  of  the  invention,  and  to  deter  all 
other  inventors  from  entering  the  same  field  of 
invention,  and  manufacturing  the  same  article.  The 
commissioner,  seeing  the  danger  which  must  inevi- 
tably result  to  the  inventive  talent  of  the  country 
from  this  illegitimate  use  of  wealth  and  corporate 
power,  recommended  to  Congress  that  this  section 
should  be  modified,  and  that  there  be  vested  in  the 
commissioner  a  discretion  to  declare  any  application 
forfeited  for  want  of  prosecution  whenever  he  is 
satisfied  that  such  should  be  done.  This  suggestion 
promptly  acted  upon  will  go  far  towards  checking  the 
domination  of  capital  over  the  development  of 
the  industrial  arts.  It  would  be  a  step  in  the  direc- 
tion of  freeing  the  laboring  classes,  out  of  which 
comes  the  inventive  skill  and  genius  of  a  nation, 
from  being  the  mental  slaves  of  powerful  corpora- 
tions. 

The  work  of  the  Patent  Office  for  the  year  1887 
can  be  best  understood  from  the  following  detail. 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR.        179 


Receipts  from  applications 
"        .  "      copies 

"     deeds      . 
"  "      "  Gazette " 

"  "     labels 


[,014,265  oo 

83,267  40 

23,416  70 

14,402  53 

2>9°3  5° 


Total  income       ....  $1,138,255   13 

For  the  six  months  ending  June  30,  1888,  there 
were  received  .86,080  letters,  containing  in  money 
$508,091.26.  The  whole  business  of  this  important 
office  has  been  conducted  with  more  celerity,  less 
proportional  expense,  and  to  the  better  satisfaction 
of  patentees  than  ever  before ;  and  we  may  look 
forward,  under  another  four  years  of  the  present 
Administration,  to  results  which  will  prove  the 
wisdom  of  the  Executive  in  managing  all  depart- 
ments upon  business  principles. 

THE    PENSION    BUREAU. 

.  The  work  of  this  important  bureau  is  perhaps 
more  closely  connected  with  the  hearts  and  homes 
of  our  people  than  any  other.  It  is  a  great  monu- 
ment to  those  who  have  sacrificed  their  lives  for 
the  liberties  of  the  nation.  It  represents  an  act  of 
national  justice  hitherto  unparalleled  in  the  world's 
history.  Through  its  action  the  widow  and  the 
orphan  receive  that  proper  recognition  for  the  ser- 
vices of  the  husband  and  father,  which  a  grateful 
nation  will  render  so  long  as  they  live  to  re- 
ceive it. 

It  is  a  satisfaction  to  state  that  under  the  present 
administration  the  work  of  this  bureau  has  in  every 
respect  progressed  in  such  a  manner  as  to  win 
admiration  from  all  those  who  have  any  idea  of 


180  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

what  has  been  done  in  the  Pension  Bureau  since 
March  16,  1885  ;  and  a  comparison  may  fairly  be 
challenged  in  the  number  of  pensions  granted,  in 
the  large  number  of  veterans  who  have  had  their 
pensions  increased,  in  the  extraordinary  work  of 
the  office,  through  its  Special  Examination  Division, 
in  making  that  critical  examination  of  the  rights  of 
claimants  at  their  homes  and  elsewhere  all  over  the 
country. 

Since  the  present  administration  of  the  office  up 
to  the  1 5th  day  of  June,  1888,  a  period  of  three 
years  and  three  months,  the  enormous  number  of 
one  hundred  and  sixty-seven  thousand  new  names 
have  been  added  to  the  pension  rolls  of  the  nation, 
and  more  than  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thou- 
sand scarred  veterans  have  had  their  pensions 
increased.  In  the  rapid  movement  of  events  we 
hardly  have  time  to  pause  and  reflect  upon  what 
this  indicates ;  viz.,  that  an  army  larger  than  the 
combined  armies  of  Wellington  and  Napoleon  at 
Waterloo  have  received  through  the  magnificent 
liberality  of  the  Government  of  these  United  States 
its  generous  bounty,  and  that  this  large  additional 
amount  has  been  granted  under  the  present  admin- 
istration, thus  affording  additional  proof  (if  it  were 
needed)  that  the  Democratic  party  is  true  to  the 
memory  of  those  who  fought  their  country's  battles, 
true  to  those  who  upheld  the  old  flag  in  the  fiery 
storm  of  war. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that,  with  these  gratify- 
ing results  and  this  greatly  increased  work,  the 
clerical  force  of  the  Bureau  of  Pensions  remains 
the  same  as  it  was  at  the  commencement  of  the 
present  Administration. 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR.        181 


CIVIL   SERVICE. 

The  whole  force  is  subject  to  the  rules  and  regula- 
tions governing-  the  civil  service.  No  appointments 
are  made,  nor  have  any  been  made,  in  this  bureau 
except  through  the  avenue  of  civil  service  exam- 
inations and  certification.  At  the  time  the  present 
Commissioner  of  Pensions  assumed  charge  of  the 

^> 

bureau,  he  found  ninety-Jive  per  cent  of  this  clerical 
force  selected  from  that  political  party  antagonistic 
to  the  present  Administration,  nearly  all  of  whom 
were  appointed  regardless  of  civil  service  qualifi- 
cations. New  appointments,  however,  have  been 
made  only  through  the  channel  of  civil  service 
examination,  and  with  most  gratifying  results  ;  and 
of  the  original  ninety-five  per  cent,  it  is  safe  to 
assert  that  at  least  seventy-five  per  cent  still  remain 
undisturbed  at  their  desks.  No  discharges  have 
been  made  except  in  cases  of  gross  inefficiency, 
neglect  of  duty,  or  evidences  of  partisanship  incom- 
patible with  the  efficient  administration  of  the  office. 
The  Pension  Bureau  during  the  current  year  will 
distribute  the  immense  sum  of  eighty  millions  of 
the  people's  money,  payable  to  over  four  hundred 
and  sixteen  thousand  pensioners.  This  great  work 
will  be  accomplished  at  far  less  expense  than  ever 
before ;  for  the  reason  that  in  this  bureau,  as  in  all 
others  under  the  present  Administration,  the  work 
is  being  done  for  the  first  time  upon  business  princi- 
ples, thus  securing  a  larger  amount  of  labor  upon  a 
more  economic  and  satisfactory  basis.  In  this  con- 
nection it  is  but  just  to  allude  to  the  attempts  made 
by  pension  sharks  to  introduce  fraudulent  claims ; 
thus  not  only  doing  injury  to  those  who  are  justly 


1 82  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

entitled  to  their  country's  bounty,  but  at  the  same 
time  casting  a  stigma  upon  the  fair  name  of  the 
nation.  To  every  sensible  man  or  woman  who 
reads  this  article,  the  action  of  the  President  in 
putting  his  veto  upon  all  such  attempts  to  defraud 
the  Government  and  the  people  can  admit  of  but 
one  construction ;  viz.,  that  in  Grover  Cleveland  we 
have  secured  a  President  who  devotes  himself 
steadily  to  but  one  object,  and  that  is  the  good  of 
this  nation,  and  to  prove  to  his  fellow-citizens  that 
"  a  public  office  is  a  public  trust." 

THE    GENERAL   LAND-OFFICE. 

The  Commissioner  of  Public  Lands  is  charged 
with  the  survey,  management,  and  sale  of  the  public 
domain,  and  the  issuing  of  titles  therefor,  whether 
derived  from  confirmations  of  grants  made  by  former 
governments,  by  sales,  donations,  or  grants  for 
schools,  railroads,  military  bounties,  or  public  im- 
provements. He  is  aided  by  an  assistant  commis- 
sioner. The  Land-Office  audits  its  own  accounts. 

The  great  importance  of  this  bureau  in  its  relation 
to  the  progress  of  our  country  cannot  be  overesti- 
mated. Its  energies  have  been  devoted,  during  the 
present  administration,  to  remedy  defects  and  cor- 
rect abuses  in  the  public  land  service.  The  results 
of  these  efforts  are  so  largely  in  the  nature  of 
reforms  in  the  processes  and  methods  of  our  land 
system  as  to  prevent  adequate  estimate ;  but  it 
appears,  from  the  latest  official  statement,  that  there 
has  been  secured  and  restored  to  the  public  domain, 
and  recommended  for  recovery,  from  March  4,  1885, 
to  May  12,  1888,  as  follows:  — 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR.        183 

Total  actually  restored  to  the  public  domain,  and 
opened  to  entry  and  settlement,  80,690,720  acres. 
It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  lands  are  se- 
cured from  railroad  forfeitures,  indemnity  lands,  illegal 
land  claims,  and  withdrawn  lands  restored ;  thus 
offering  to  the  farmer  and  emigrant  an  opportunity 
to  secure  a  comfortable  home,  and  at  the  same  time 
adding  to  our  national  territory  an  extent  of  valuable 
property  which  would  otherwise  have  been  controlled 
by  trusts,  syndicates,  or  corporations.  In  addition 
to  this  great  work,  there  has  been  accomplished  also 
an  examination  of  other  lands,  which  will  fall  under 
the  same  rules,  and  which  will  restore  an  additional 
extent  of  territory,  amounting  to  65,020,538  acres. 
This  immense  territory,  comprising  lands  most  favor- 
able for  settlement,  can  accommodate  all  the  emi- 
grants which  are  likely  to  arrive  in  this  country 
within  the  next  twenty  years ;  and  we  may  look 
forward  to  another  advance  in  civilization,  through 
farms,  villages,  towns,  and  cities,  secured  by  the 
work  of  the  Land-Office  under  the  present  Adminis- 
tration, and  at  a  less  proportionate  cost  than  under 
any  previous  Administration  since  the  commence- 
ment of  our  government. 

INDIAN    OFFICE. 

The  important  question  of  the  management  of  our 
Indians  is  one  that  has  given  much  trouble  and 
embarrassment  to  this  department.  The  expenses 
attending  such  management  have  been  very  great, 
and  yet  the  ultimate  results  have  been  so  unsatisfac- 
tory as  to  occasion  much  public  and  private  comment. 
Following  out  the  suggestions  of  the  President  in  his 


1 84  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

annual  message,  the  work  of  the  Indian  office  has 
been  more  carefully  attended  to  under  this  Adminis- 
tration, and  with  the  result  that  the  condition  of  our 
Indian  population,  and  the  progress  of  the  work  for 
their  enlightenment,  is  a  gratifying  and  hopeful  one. 
And  when  it  is  understood  that  this  has  been  accom- 
plished at  a  saving  to  the  nation  in  the  estimates 
for  the  year  of  over  four  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
our  fellow-citizens  will  certainly  appreciate  the  steady 
and  unwearied  efforts  of  the  present  Administration 
to  carry  on  its  work  upon  a  business  basis. 

In  addition  to  the  above,  the  Department  of  the 
Interior  has  control  of  the  management  of  such 
railroads  as  are  in  whole  or  in  part  west,  north,  or 
south  of  the  Missouri  River,  and  to  which  the 
United  States  have  granted  any  loan  of  credit  or 
subsidy  in  lands  or  bonds.  Also  it  has  charge  of 
the  Geological  Survey,  comprising  the  classification 
of  the  public  lands,  and  examination  of  the  geologi- 
cal structure,  mineral  resources,  and  products  of  the 
national  domain  ;  and  finally  this  department  has 
charge  of  the  supervision  of  the  census  of  the 
United  States,  which  is  taken  every  tenth  year,  and 
the  subsequent  arrangement,  compilation,  and  pub- 
lication of  the  statistics  collected.  It  is  a  gratifying 
statement,  that,  under  the  present  Administration,  the 
immense  labor  connected  with  this  department  has 
been  faithfully  conducted  at  less  proportionate  ex- 
pense than  ever  before,  and  with  results  which  are 
universally  admitted  to  be  far  more  satisfactory  than 
could  have  been  expected  in  so  short  a  time.  With 
another  four  years  of  the  same  capable  management, 
we  may  look  forward  to  results  of  even  greater  im- 
portance. 


THE   DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR. 


THE    BUREAU    OF    EDUCATION. 


I85 


THE  names  of  Horace  Mann,  Henry  Barnard,  and 
John  Eaton  are  substantial  guarantees  that  the  sub- 
ject of  education,  in  its  connection  with  the  present 
and  future  welfare  of  the  growing  youth  of  the 
nation,  has  been  well  cared  for.  In  Col.  N.  H.  R. 
Dawson,  the  present  commissioner,  and  his  able 
corps  of  assistants,  we  have  every  reason  to  look 
forward  to  a  continuation  of  the  good  work  so  well 
begun.  As  may  be  clearly  understood  from  the 
peculiar  and  special  character  of  the  work  of  this 
office,  its  employes  have  always  been  selected  spe- 
cially with  reference  to  their  qualifications  and  intelli- 
gence, and  possibly  to  a  greater  extent  than  has 
prevailed  in  the  general  clerical  service  of  the 
government.  The  late  commissioner,  Gen.  Eaton, 
was  in  control  of  this  bureau  for  sixteen  years,  and 
his  careful  selection  of  his  subordinates,  and  their 
retention  in  office  by  his  successor,  under  the  rules 
of  merit  service,  has  secured  the  best  work  being 
accomplished  with  the  limited  force  in  hand.  The 
special  object  of  this  bureau  is  to  inform  the  public 
as  to  the  advancement  of  education  in  the  United 
States,  and  this  is  done  through  an  annual  report, 
which  contains  all  data  up  to  the  time  of  issue. 
This  annual  report  comprises  the  general  statistics 
as  regards  education  in  the  United  States,  including 
State  school  systems  with  all  the  facts  as  to  popula- 
tion and  percentage  of  school  attendance,  which  have 
shown  a  most  gratifying  steady  increase  from  year 
to  year ;  statistics  regarding  teachers  and  their 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS    CABINET. 

salaries  in  different  States ;  the  various  State  laws 
relative  to  education,  with  public-school  receipts  and 
expenditures,  are  also  fully  given  in  detail.  The 
city  school  systems  are  then  taken  up,  and  the  most 
complete  and  reliable  information  supplied  upon  this 
important  subject.  The  training  of  teachers,  nor- 
mal schools,  kindergartens,  superior  instruction  of 
women,  statistics  regarding  colleges,  universities, 
schools  of  science,  and  technological  schools,  all 
receive  due  attention.  A  separate  chapter  is  devoted 
to  professional  instruction,  comprising  all  informa- 
tion regarding  schools  of  theology,  law,  medicine, 
dentistry,  and  pharmacy,  and  a  statistical  summary 
of  all  degrees  conferred.  The  subject  of  special 
training  comprises  much  of  interest,  taking  in  as  it 
does  all  that  relates  to  industrial  and  manual  training- 
schools,  military  schools,  commercial  and  business 
colleges,  together  with  training-schools  for  nurses. 
Upon  the  education  of  special  classes  full  reports 
will  be  found  supplying  interesting  statistics  con- 
nected with  the  deaf  and  dumb,  blind,  feeble-minded, 
and  juvenile  delinquents ;  also,  the  education  of 
the  colored  race  and  that  of  the  Indian.  These 
reports  are  supplied  freely  to  the  public,  and  should 
be  secured  by  all  interested.  They  will  be  found  of 
special  value  as  works  of  reference  in  our  city,  town, 
and  village  libraries.  A  very  interesting  statement 
bearing  upon  foreign  education  is  included,  and  also 
a  report  upon  the  success  in  the  attempts  to  intro- 
duce education  among  the  Indians  in  Alaska,  which 
far-off  section  of  our  great  country  is  in  the  special 
charge  of  the  Bureau  of  Education.  Under  the 
present  commissioner  all  these  reports  have  been 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR. 


I87 


brought  forward  and  published  up  to  the  latest  date 
possible,  and  our  readers  will  find  in  this  collection 
a  vast  amount  of  interesting  information.  Several 
very  important  and  special  pamphlets  have  also  been 
prepared  and  published  by  this  bureau,  viz. :  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  department  of  superintendence  of 
the  National  Educational  Association,  February  2- 
26,  1886,  and  of  the  same  association  March  15-17, 
1887.  Many  of  the  papers  read  at  these  meetings 
are  of  absorbing  interest,  and  we  would  specially  call 
the  attention  of  our  readers  to  an  illustrated  article 
relating  to  Alaska,  and  what  has  been  done  there  in 
connection  with  education  and  civilization.  The 
Educational  Bureau  has  also  published  a  most  elab- 
orate and  important  essay  upon  "  The  Study  of  His- 
tory in  American  Colleges  and  Universities,"  an 
interesting  account  of  William  and  Mary  College,  of 
Virginia,  and  a  complete  catalogue  of  all  the  libraries 
in  the  United  States.  Commissioner  Dawson,  under 
instructions  from  the  Interior  Department,  made  a 
personal  visit  to  Alaska,  establishing  many  schools, 
and  otherwise  aiding  the  efforts  of  those  interested 
in  the  civilization  of  these  comparatively  new  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States.  He  had  the  good  fortune 
to  be  present  at  the  new  settlement  of  the  native 
Indians  from  Metlakahtla,  whose  fate  has  attracted 
so  much  attention  during  the  past  year.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  they  were  so  harshly  treated  under 
the  rules  of  the  British  government  and  the  church 
authorities  that  Mr.  William  Duncan,  the  distin- 
guished English  missionary,  decided  to  place  them 
under  the  protection  of  the  American  flag.  The 
following  description  of  the  exercises  upon  the  occa- 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  O-ABINET. 

sion  of  locating  their  new  home  will  be   found  spe- 
cially interesting. 

The  day  was  a  perfect  one,  and  the  visitors  were  at  once  put 
on  shore.  A  more  lovely  place  than  this  harbor  it  is  impossi- 
ble to  imagine.  It  is  semi-circular  in  shape,  opening  out 
through  a  number  of  small  islands  to  the  westward.  On  the 
east  and  north  were  wild,  rugged  mountains,  coming  down  to 
the  water's  edge,  and  on  the  south  is  a  low  green  shore,  skirted 
by  a  gravel  beach  that  winds  in  and  out  in  beautiful  curves. 
The  place  was  entirely  uninhabited,  except  by  thirty  or  forty  of 
the  men  of  Metlakahtla,  with  their  families,  who  had  come  on 
as  an  advance  guard.  The  remainder,  in  all  about  one  thousand 
people,  men,  women,  and  children,  will  come  as  soon  as  provis- 
ion can  be  made  for  them  and  the  means  of  transportation 
shall  arrive. 

The  exercises  were  impromptu,  and  Mr.  Duncan  first  ad- 
dressed his  people  in  their  native  tongue.  He  told  them  of  his 
trip  to  the  United  States,  and  concluded  by  introducing  Hon. 
N.  H.  R.  Dawson,  the  United  States  Commissioner  of  Educa- 
tion, then  upon  an  official  tour  of  Alaska,  who  had  kindly  con- 
sented to  make  an  address  upon  this  occasion.  In  Mr.  Daw- 
son's  address,  interpreted  by  Mr.  Duncan  into  the  native 
language,  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  did  not  understand 
English,  they  were  impressively  told  of  the  power  and  glory  of 
the  great  American  government,  under  whose  protection  they 
were  coming,  and  were  assured  that  when  its  flag  was  raised 
over  them  they  would  be  protected  in  their  lives  and  liberties, 
that  their  homes  and  lands  would  be  assured  to  them,  and  that 
their  education  and  welfare  would  be  the  cherished  care  of  the 
great  government  to  which  they  had  intrusted  themselves. 

He  congratulated  them  upon  their  advent  to  American  soil, 
and  assured  them  that  they  would  have  the  sympathy  and  pro- 
tection of  the  government  in  their  new  homes,  and  that, 
although  the  general  land  laws  of  the  United  States  were  not 
now  in  force  in  the  Territory,  that  they  would  not  be  disturbed 
in  the  use  and  possession  of  any  lands  upon  which  they  might 
settle  and  build  houses,  but  that  when  those  laws  were  extended 
over  the  country  they  would  doubtless  be  allowed  to  enter  and 
purchase  these  lands  and  hold  possession  of  them  in  preference 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  INTERIOR, 


189 


to  others.  In  the  meantime  they  would  have  the  same  advan- 
tages of  education  open  to  them  which  are  now  extended  to  all 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Territory.  Efforts  had  been  made  to 
impress  them  with  the  idea  that  the  American  government  was 
unfriendly  and  would  show  them  no  kindness.  This  impression 
Mr.  Dawson  successfully  dispelled  in  his  address,  which  was  re- 
ceived with  great  satisfaction  by  the  Indians.  When  he  con- 
cluded, the  flags  were  raised,  the  ship  saluting  them  as  they 
went  up  with  its  battery  of  one  gun.  The  natives  then  sang 
"  Rock  of  Ages,"  exquisitely,  in  their  native  tongue.  Rev.  Dr. 
Fraser,  of  San  Francisco,  in  a  touching  prayer,  then  commended 
the  new  settlement  to  the  protection  of  Divine  Providence, 
after  which  all  united  in  singing  old  "  Coronation."  One  of 
the  principal  chiefs,  or  selectmen,  Daniel  Ne-ash-kum-ack-kem, 
then  replied  to  Mr.  Dawson's  address  in  a  short  speech,  as 
follows  :  — 

"  Chiefs,  I  have  a  few  words  of  truth  to  let  you  know  what 
our  hearts  are  saying.  The  God  of  heaven  is  looking  at  our 
doings  here  to-day.  You  have  stretched  out  your  hands  to  the 
Tsein-she-ans.  Your  act  is  a  Christian  act.  We  have  long 
been  knocking  at  the  door  of  another  government  for  justice, 
but  the  door  has  been  closed  against  us.  You  have  risen  up 
and  opened  your  door  to  us,  and  bid  us  welcome  to  this  beauti- 
ful spot,  upon  which  we  propose  to  erect  our  homes.  What  can 
our  hearts  say  to  this,  but  that  we  are  thankful  and  happy ! 
The  work  of  the  Christian  is  never  lost.  Your  work  will  not 
be  lost  to  you.  It  will  live,  and  you  will  find  it  after  many 
days.  We  are  here  only  a  few  to-day  who  have  been  made 
happy  by  your  words ;  but  when  your  words  reach  all  of  our 
people,  numbering  over  a  thousand,  how  much  more  joy  will 
they  occasion  !  What  shall  we  say  further  to  thank  you  ?  We 
were  told  that  there  were  no  slaves  under  the  flag  of  England. 
For  a  long  time  our  hearts  relied  on  this  as  the  truth.  We  were 
content  and  happy ;  but  we  now  find  that  our  reliance  has  been 
misplaced.  These  promises  have  been  broken ;  that  nation 
has  set  at  naught  its  own  laws  in  its  treatment  of  us,  and  is 
dealing  with  us  as  with  slaves.  We  come  to  you  for  protection 
and  safety.  Our  hearts,  though  often  troubled,  have  not 
fainted.  We  have  trusted  in  God,  and  he  has  helped  us.  We 
are  now  able  to  sleep  in  peace.  Our  confidence  is  restored. 
God  has  given  us  his  strength  to  reach  this  place  of  security 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS    CABINET. 

and  freedom,  and  we  are  grateful  to  him  for  his  mercy  and 
loving  kindness.  We  again  salute  you  from  our  hearts.  I 
have  no  more  to  say." 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  reply,  which  was  delivered  in  the 
musical  intonations  of  his  native  tongue,  with  a  grace  and  elo- 
quence that  did  credit  to  the  picturesque  forum  in  which  he 
stood,  Dr.  Fraser  gave  the  benediction.  The  passengers  and 
natives  then  joined  in  one  rousing  cheer  for  the  old  flag,  that 
must  have  impressed  the  Metlakahtlans  with  the  fervor  and  zeal 
of  American  patriotism. 


CHAPTER   XL 

THE    DEPARTMENT   OF  JUSTICE. 

THE  attorney-general  is  the  head  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice,  and  the  chief  law  officer  of  the 
government.  He  represents  the  United  States  in 
matters  involving  legal  questions ;  he  gives  his 
advice  and  opinions  on  questions  of  law  when  they 
are  required  by  the  President  or  by  the  heads  of 
the  other  executive  departments  on  questions  of  law 
arising  upon  the  administration  of  their  respective 
departments  ;  he  exercises  a  general  superintendence 
and  direction  over  United  States  attorneys  and  mar- 
shals in  all  judicial  districts  in  the  States  and  Terri- 
tories, and  he  provides  special  counsel  for  the 
United  States  whenever  required  by  any  department 
of  the  government. 

THE    ATTORNEY-GENERAL. 

AUGUSTUS  H.  GARLAND. 

A.  H.  Garland  was  born  in  Tipton  Co.,  Tenn., 
June  n,  1832.  In  the  following  year  his  parents 

191 


jQ2  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

removed  to  Arkansas.  Mr.  Garland  graduated  at 
St.  Joseph  College,  Bardstown,  Ky.,  in  1849.  He 
studied  law,  and  after  his  admission  to  the  bar  set- 
tled in  the  practice  of  his  profession  at  Little  Rock, 
Ark. 

He  opposed  the  early  movements  of  the  South 
at  the  commencement  of  the  civil  war,  but  event- 
ually joined  his  State,  Arkansas,  in  its  connection 
with  the  Confederacy,  and  served  in  the  Confederate 
congress.  At  the  close  of  the  war,  Mr.  Garland  was 
chosen  United  States  senator,  but  was  refused 
admission.  After  serving  as  Secretary  of  State  for 
Arkansas  he  was  elected  Governor,  in  1874,  and  in 
1876  was  elected  to  represent  the  same  State  in  the 
United  States  Senate  for  a  term  of  six  years,  from 
March,  1877.  In  1882  he  was  reflected  for  another 
term,  receiving  not  only  the  entire  vote  of  his  own 
party,  but  also  that,  of  the  Republicans  in  the  State 
Legislature,  only  three  votes  being  cast  against  him. 
^In  March,  1885,  ^e  was  appointed  attorney-general 
of  the  United  States,  and  took  his  seat  in  the  Cabinet 
of  President  Cleveland. 

Judge  Garland,  while  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
enjoyed  the  confidence  and  respect  of  all  his  col- 
leagues. He  was  indefatigable  in  committee  work, 
and  his  legal  knowledge  and  judicial  impartiality 
made  him  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  influential 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  JUSTICE.  JQ^ 

members  of  the  judiciary  committee.  In  debate  he 
has  always  been  a  strong,  forcible  speaker,  his  nota- 
ble characteristics  being,  first,  conciseness  and  per- 
spicuity of  statement ;  second,  logical  order  of  argu- 
ment; and,  third,  power  of  condensation, —  all  qualities 
specially  fitting  him  to  occupy  the  chair  of  the 
Department  of  Justice,  the  work  of  which  office  is 
herewith  given. 

We  find  on  examination  that  in  this  department, 
as  in  all  others,  there  has  been  a  steady  gain  and 
improvement  not  only  in  the  amount  of  work  done, 
but  also  that  for  the  first  time  laws  have  been 
actually  put  in  force  under  the  present  administration 
which  have  heretofore  been  allowed  to  remain  dor- 
mant. That  some  idea  may  be  arrived  at  as  regards 
the  importance  and  extent  of  this  department,  ex- 
tracts are  made  from  the  last  official  report  of  the 
attorney-general. 

BUSINESS    OF   THE    COURT   OF    CLAIMS.' 

Since  the  last  report  449  suits,  claiming  upward  of  $4,150,000, 
have  been  brought  under  the  ordinary  jurisdiction  of  the  court. 

The  total  number  of  such  cases  now  pending  is  1,110,  claim- 
ing upward  of  $18,250,000. 

Under  the  act  of  March  3,  1883,  known  as  the  "  Bowman  act," 
there  have  been  transmitted  to  the  court,  to  date,  2,038  cases. 
The  amount  claimed  cannot  be  stated,  but  involves  a  very  large 
sum. 

During  the  last  term  147  of  these  cases,  claiming  about 
$1,260,000,  were  acted  on  by  the  court  and  reported  to  Con- 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

gress.  Of  this  number,  34  cases,  aggregating  upward  of 
$670,000,  were  dismissed  for  want  of  jurisdiction. 

In  63  cases  the  findings  of  the  court  were  favorable  to  claim- 
ants, but  for  reduced  amounts. 

There  are  now  pending  about  1,819  cases,  involving,  in  so  far 
as  can  be  ascertained  from  the  petitions  and  other  papers  re- 
ceived, upward  of  $50,000,000. 

Under  the  same  act  there  have  been  transmitted  by  heads  of 
departments,  to  date,  29  claims,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 
upward  of  $4,000,000.  One  case,  claiming  $1,226,804.81,  with 
interest,  was  acted  on  by  the  court  during  the  term,  and  a  find- 
ing for  $249,000  certified  to  the  department  transmitting  the 
claim. 

Nine  cases,  claiming  about  $350,000,  are  now  pending,  one  of 
which  has  been  submitted,  and  is  now  held  under  advisement  by 
the  court. 

There  are  also  pending  matters  entertained  by  the  court 
under  the  provisions  of  section  2  of  said  act. 

FRENCH    SPOLIATIONS. 

The  petitions  filed  in  French  spoliations  cases  number  5,560, 
representing  2,386  vessels,  and  about  $30,000,000.  Thirteen 
cases  arising  upon  four  vessels  were  reported  by  the  court,  with 
favorable  recommendations,  to  Congress  on  December  6,  1886. 

Sixty-eight  additional  cases  arising  upon  29  vessels  have 
been  passed  upon  by  the  court  in  favor  of  claimants  and  will 
be  reported  to  Congress  at  its  next  session. 

Twelve  cases  upon  12  vessels  have  been  decided  against  the 
claimants ;  200  additional  are  now  on  trial. 

The  amount  reported  in  favor  of  claimants  in  all  the  81  cases 
passed  upon,  in  the  aggregate,  is  about  $425,000,  varying  in 
sums  from  $66.40  to  $45,318.66. 

The  general  principles  involved  in  these  cases  have  been 
fully  discussed,  and  four  opinions  have  been  delivered  by  the 
court,  settling  some  of  the  important  questions  governing  them. 

The  following  is  a  summary  of  the  business  of  the  last  term  : 

CLAIMS   AGAINST   THE   UNITED    STATES. 

There  were  brought  to  trial  314  suits,  claiming  $18,551,605.58. 
In  24  of  these,  claiming  $105,595.66,  judgment  was  for  defend- 
ants. 


THE   DEPARTMENT  OF  JUSTICE.  jgr 

In  290  suits,  claiming  $18,446,009.92,  judgment  was  for 
claimants  for  $3,409,953.21.  In  this  sum  is  embraced  the 
amount  of  $2,858,798.62,  the  judgment  in  the  case  of  the 
Choctaw  Indians,  which  was  rendered  in  the  Supreme  Court 
and  ordered  by  mandate  from  that  court  to  be  entered  in  the 
Court  of  Claims. 

Two  suits,  claiming  $662.26,  were  discontinued  on  claimants' 
motion. 

CRIMINAL   PROSECUTIONS. 

There  were  terminated  during  the  last  year  12,905  criminal 
prosecutions  ;  227  of  these  were  prosecutions  under  the  customs 
laws,  in  which  there  were  120  convictions,  27  acquittals,  and  80 
were  entered  nol.  pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed ;  5,064  under 
the  internal  revenue  laws,  in  which  were  3,100  convictions,  803 
acquittals,  and  1,161  were  entered  nol.  pros.,  discontinued,  or 
quashed;  540  under  post-office  laws,  in  which  there  were  302 
convictions,  115  acquittals,  and  123  entered  nol.  pros.,  discon- 
tinued, or  quashed;  96  under  election  laws,  in  which  there 
were  45  convictions,  13  acquittals,  and  38  entered  nol.  pros., 
discontinued,  or  quashed;  six  under  the  civil  rights  acts,  in 
which  there  were  —  convictions,  2  acquittals,  and  4  entered  nol. 
pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed ;  298  under  intercourse  acts,  in 
which  there  were  260  convictions,  9  acquittals,  and  29  entered 
nol.  pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed;  175  under  the  pension 
laws,  in  which  there  were  77  convictions,  27  acquittals,  and  71 
entered  nol. pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed;  36  for  embezzle- 
ment, in  which  there  were  14  convictions,  6  acquittals,  and  16 
entered  nol. pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed;  6,463  miscellane- 
ous prosecutions,  in  which  there  were  4,080  convictions,  1,348 
acquittals,  1,035  entered  nol.  pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed. 

In  many  of  the  prosecutions  under  the  internal  revenue  laws 
entered  nol.  pros.,  discontinued,  or  quashed,  a  compromise  and 
settlement  were  made  in  the  internal  revenue  bureau  of  the 
treasury  department. 


Among-  subjects  of  special  interest  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  we  can  refer  with  satisfaction  to 
the  action  of  the  Department  of  Justice  in  connection 


196 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


with  laws  against  Mormonism  which  have  been  on 
our  statute  books  for  many  years  and  which  had 
been  practically  ignored  until  the  advent  of  the  pres- 
ent administration,  when,  under  the  special  direction 
of  the  President,  they  have  been  put  in  force  with 
the  result  that  offenders  have  been  tried  and  pun- 
ished, and  that  the  Mormons  themselves,  in  many 
instances,  admit  the  justice  of  the  acts  of  the  govern- 
ment and  govern  themselves  accordingly.  The  pros- 
ecution of  timber  thieves  has  been  carried  out  with 
such  vigilance  that  in  a  large  measure  the  terrible 
inroads  made  upon  the  property  of  the  nation  have 
been  put  a  stop  to  and  the  offenders  brought  to  jus- 
tice. In  this  connection  we  close  with  the  views  of 
the  President  relative  to  this  department,  as  stated 
in  his  message  to  Congress  indicating  the  improve- 
ments suggested  by  the  attorney-general. 

The  conduct  of  the  Department  of  Justice  for  the  last  fiscal 
year  is  fully  detailed  in  the  report  of  the  attorney-general,  and 
I  invite  the  earnest  attention  of  the  Congress  to  the  same,  and 
due  consideration  of  the  recommendations  therein  contained. 

In  the  report  submitted  by  this  officer  to  the  last  session  of 
the  Congress  he  strongly  recommended  the  erection  of  a  peni- 
tentiary for  the  confinement  of  prisoners  convicted  and  sen- 
tenced in  the  United  States  courts ;  and  he  repeats  the  recom- 
mendation in  his  report  for  the  last  year. 

This  is  a  matter  of  very  great  importance  and  should  at  once 
receive  Congressional  action.  United  States  prisoners  are  now 
confined  in  more  than  thirty  different  State  prisons  and  peniten- 
tiaries scattered  in  every  part  of  the  country.  They  are  sub- 
jected to  nearly  as  many  different  modes  of  treatment  and 
discipline  and  are  far  too  much  removed  from  the  control  and 
regulation  of  the  government.  So  far  as  they  are  entitled  to 
humane  treatment  and  an  opportunity  for  improvement  and  ref- 
ormation, the  government  is  responsible  to  them  and  society 
that  these  things  are  forthcoming.  But  this  duty  can  scarcely 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  JUSTICE.  ^-j 

be  discharged  without  more  absolute  control  and  direction  than 
is  possible  under  the  present  system. 

Many  of  our  good  citizens  have  interested  themselves,  with 
the  most  beneficial  results,  in  the  question  of  prison  reform. 
The  general  government  should  be  in  a  situation,  since  there 
must  be  United  States  prisoners,  to  furnish  important  aid  in 
this  movement,  and  should  be  able  to  illustrate  what  may  be 
practically  done  in  the  direction  of  this  reform  and  to  present 
an  example,  in  the  treatment  and  improvement  of  its  prisoners, 
worthy  of  imitation. 

With  prisons  under  its  own  control,  the  government  could 
deal  with  the  somewhat  vexed  question  of  convict  labor,  so  far 
as  its  convicts  were  concerned,  according  to  a  plan  of  its  own 
adoption,  and  with  due  regard  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  our 
laboring  citizens,  instead  of  sometimes  aiding  in  the  operation 
of  a  system  which  causes  among  them  irritation  and  discontent. 

Upon  consideration  of  this  subject  it  might  be  thought  wise 
to  erect  more  than  one  of  these  institutions,  located  in  such 
places  as  would  best  subserve  the  purposes  of  convenience  and 
economy  in  transportation.  The  considerable  cost  of  maintain- 
ing these  convicts,  as  at  present,  in  State  institutions,  would  be 
saved  by  the  adoption  of  the  plan  proposed  ;  and  by  employing 
them  in  the  manufacture  of  such  articles  as  were  needed  for  use 
by  the  government  quite  a  large  pecuniary  benefit  would  be 
realized  in  partial  return  for  our  outlay. 

I  again  urge  a  change  in  the  federal  judicial  system  to  meet 
the  wants  of  the  people  and  obviate  the  delays  necessarily  at- 
tending the  present  condition  of  affairs  in  our  courts.  All  are 
agreed  that  something  should  be  done,  and  much  favor  is  shown, 
by  those  well  able  to  advise,  to  the  plan  suggested  by  the  attor- 
ney-general at  the  last  session  of  the  Congress,  and  recom- 
mended in  my  last  annual  message.  This  recommendation  is 
here  renewed,  together  with  another  made  at  the  same  time, 
touching  a  change  in  the  manner  of  compensating  district  at- 
torneys and  marshals ;  and  the  latter  subject  is  commended  to 
the  Congress  for  its  action,  in  the  interest  of  economy  to  the 
government,  and  humanity,  fairness,  and  justice  to  our  people. 


198 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS   CABINET. 


DEPARTMENT   OF   AGRICULTURE. 


The  President,  in  his  message  to  the  second  ses- 
sion of  the  Forty-ninth  Congress,  stated  that  "  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  representing  the  oldest 
and  largest  of  our  national  industries,  is  subserving 
well  the  purposes  of  its  organization.  By  the  intro- 
duction of  new  subjects  of  farming  enterprise,  and 
by  opening  new  sources  of  agricultural  wealth,  and 
the  dissemination  of  early  information  concerning 
production  and  prices,  it  has  contributed  largely  to 
the  country's  prosperity.  Through  this  agency,  ad- 
vanced thought  and  investigation  touching  the  sub- 
jects it  has  in  charge  should,  among  other  things, 
be  practically  applied  to  the  home  production  at  a 
low  cost  of  articles  of  food  which  are  now  imported 
from  abroad.  Such  an  innovation  will  necessarily,  of 
course,  in  the  beginning  be  within  the  domain  of  in- 
telligent experiment,  and  the  subject  in  every  stage 
should  receive  all  possible  encouragement  from  the 
government."  Thus  indorsed  by  the  executive,  the 
Department  of  Agriculture,  in  charge  of  its  experi- 
enced commissioner,  Norman  J.  Colman,  has  steadily 
progressed  under  the  present  administration,  to  the 
great  advantage  of  our  farming  population.  In  May, 
1885,  was  organized  the  Dairy  Division,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  facilitating,  in  every  way  possible,  the  work 
of  this  great  and  important  industry.  A  complete 
list  was  obtained  of  all  those  engaged  in  dairying  on 
a  large  scale,  and  then  a  circular  was  issued  and 
widely  distributed,  with  the  view  of  obtaining  facts 
and  data  sufficient  to  enable  the  computation  to  be 


DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE. 

made  of  the  several  averages  of  the  yield  per  cow 
per  day,  in  milk,  butter,  and  cheese,  and  the  average 
value  per  cow  in  the  different  States.  The  result  of 
this  inquiry  has  been  to  secure,  for  the  first  time,  a 
mass  of  most  important  and  reliable  information  rela- 
tive to  all  matters  connected  with  the  dairy  industry. 
This  interesting  report  can  be  secured  by  our 
farmers  upon  writing  to  the  Commissioner  of  Agri- 
culture. 


BUREAU  OF  ANIMAL  INDUSTRY. 

This  highly  important  bureau  was  organized  June 
i,  1884,  with  the  view  of  making  investigations  and 
reports  upon  the  condition,  protection,  and  use  of 
the  domestic  animals  of  the  United  States,  also  as  to 
the  causes  of  contagious,  infectious,  and  communica- 
ble diseases  among  domestic  animals,  and  the  means 
for  the  prevention  and  cure  of  the  same  ;  together 
with  the  direction  and  management  of  quarantine 
stations,  for  imported  cattle.  Special  experienced 
agents  are  sent  to  all  sections  of  the  country  to  in- 
vestigate and  report  upon  supposed  cases  of  pleuro- 
pneumonia,  and  a  temporary  quarantine  of  herds 
thus  suspected  is  immediately  ordered.  The  strict- 
est scrutiny  is  maintained  to  prevent  any  violation  of 
the  quarantine,  and  to  guard  against  the  spread  of 
pleuro-pneumonia  while  it  is  being  extirpated  in  the 
quarantined  district.  The  great  importance  of  the 
work  of  this  bureau  to  the  interest  of  the  farmer,  and 
its  successful  results  so  far  obtained,  are  universally 
admitted.  The  reports  already  published  of  the  work 
of  this  bureau  should  be  in  the  hands  of  every  prac- 


2QO  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

tical  farmer,  as  they  contain  a  digest  of  valuable  in- 
formation not  to  be  found  elsewhere. 


DIVISION    OF    ENTOMOLOGY. 


The  work  of  this  division  covers  the  securing  of 
reliable  information  upon  all  that  relates  to  insects 
injurious  to  agriculture,  and  also  the  best  means  of 
counteracting  their  ravages.  The  entomologist,  with 
his  assistants  and  field  agents,  devotes  his  time  to 
giving  needed  information,  in  the  warfare  which  the 
cultivators  of  the  soil  have  constantly  to  make  against 
these  injurious  insects.  The  importance  of  this  work 
may  best  be  understood  when  we  consider  the  vast 
number  of  insects  that  affect  our  agriculture,  and  the 
immense  losses  which  they  occasion  ;  and  in  no  way 
can  this  be  indicated  so  clearly  as  by  facts  regarding 
losses  occasioned  by  insects,  reduced  to  dollars  and 
cents. 

The  wheat  midge  in  New  York  State,  1854, 
caused  a  loss  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars. 

The  damage  in  the  Mississippi  valley  in  1864, 
done  by  the  chinch-bug,  amounted  to  seventy-three 
millions  of  dollars. 

The  Rocky  Mountain  locust,  in  1874,  damaged  the 
crops  of  four  States  to  the  amount  of  fifty-six  mill- 
ions of  dollars. 

The  cotton-worm  occasioned  an  average  annual 
loss,  before  the  war,  of  fifteen  millions  of  dollars. 

The  most  careful  estimates  here  placed  the  aggre- 
gate annual  loss  to  American  agriculture,  in  its 
broadest  sense,  from  the  injuries  of  insects,  at  from 
three  to  four  millions  of  dollars  ;  a  sum  which  seems 


DEPARTMENT  OF  AGRICULTURE.  2OI 

at  first  flash  so  enormous  that  it  strikes  one  as  in- 
accurate ;  but,  notwithstanding  the  losses  have  been 
measurably  decreased  by  important  remedial  dis- 
coveries, so  far  as  the  worst  pests  are  concerned, 
the  total  loss  will  still  remain  enormous.  The  work 
of  this  division  is  best  exemplified  in  the  reports 
which  it  has  made,  and  which  are  distributed  gratui- 
tously by  the  department.  We  annex  titles  of  a  few 
of  these  valuable  contributions  :  — 

Insects  affecting  the  orange-tree. 

The  cotton-worm. 

The  mulberry  silk-worm. 

Insects  injurious  to  forest- trees. 

Insects  affecting  garden  crops. 

Insects  affecting  the  hop  crop. 

Insects  affecting  the  cranberry  crop. 

Together  with  many  others  of  equal  value  and 
interest. 

SECTION   OF   SILK    CULTURE. 

To  those  interested  and  who  have  given  attention 
to  the  introduction  of  the  growth  and  manufacture 
of  silk  in  this  country,  the  subject  is  one  of  absorb- 
ing interest,  and  it  properly  deserves  national  atten- 
tion. With  everything  in  our  power,  climate,  man- 
ufacturing facilities,  etc.,  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  within  a  few  years  the  United  States 
will  become  an  important  factor  in  the  growth  and 
manufacture  of  silk.  In  this  connection  it  is  satis- 
factory to  refer  to  the  good  work  already  accom- 
plished under  the  above  named  section.  An 
immense  correspondence  is  carried  on,  and  every 
facility  afforded  in  the  shape  of  practical  information 
on  the  subject. 


202  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

DIVISION    OF    CHEMISTRY. 

The  work  of  this  division  has  proved  of  great 
practical  service  to  the  country  in  the  analysis  made 
of  milk,  Sorghum  cane-juice,  beet-juices,  etc.  The 
experiments  in  the  manufacture  of  sugar  have  been 
very  interesting,  and  the  reports  have  been  largely 
distributed  for  the  benefit  of  our  farming  population. 
Space  will  not  permit  our  reference  to  the  important 
divisions  of  botany  and  ornithology,  both  of  which 
have  proved  of  incalculable  value  to  the  general 
interests  of  our  whole  country,  but  the  total  result  of 
the  good  work  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  will 
be  sufficient  evidence  to  the  thinking  farmer  that 
under  the  present  administration  the  interests  of 
agriculture  have  not  been  lost  sight  of. 


THE    DEPARTMENT   OF   LABOR. 

THE  bureau  of  labor  was  established  by  act  of  Con- 
gress, approved  June  27,  1884.  The  commissioner 
of  labor  is  directed  by  this  organic  law  to  collect  infor- 
mation upon  the  subject  of  labor,  its  relation  to 
capital,  the  hours  of  labor,  and  the  earnings  of  labor- 
ing men  and  women,  and  the  means  of  promoting 
their  material,  social,  intellectual,  and  moral  pros- 
perity ;  and  annually  to  make  a  report  in  writing  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  of  the  information  col- 
lected and  collated  by  him,  and  containing  such 
recommendations  as  he  may  deem  calculated  to  pro- 
mote the  efficiency  of  the  bureau. 

Under  the  present  administration  the  great  im- 
portance of  this  subject  of  labor  has  received  careful 


THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  LABOR. 

consideration,  the  result  being-  that  the  bureau  has 
been  officially  raised  to  a  department  the  general 
design  and  duties  of  which  shall  be  to  acquire  and 
diffuse  among  the  people  of  the  United  States  useful 
information  on  subjects  connected  with  labor,  in  the 
most  general  and  comprehensive  sense  of  that  word, 
and  especially  upon  its  relation  to  capital,  the  hours 
of  labor,  the  earnings  of  laboring  men  and  women, 
and  the  means  of  promoting  their  material,  social, 
intellectual,  and  moral  prosperity.  The  commis- 
sioner is  specially  charged  to  ascertain  at  as  early  a 
date  as  possible,  and  whenever  industrial  changes 
shall  make  it  essential,  the  cost  of  producing  articles 
at  the  time  dutiable  in  the  United  States  in  leading 
countries  where  such  articles  are  produced  by  fully 
specified  units  of  production,  and  under  a  classifica- 
tion showing  the  different  elements  of  cost,  or  ap- 
proximate cost,  of  such  articles  of  production, 
including  the  wages  paid  in  such  industries  per  day, 
week,  month,  or  year,  or  by  the  piece,  and  hours 
employed  per  day,  and  the  profits  of  the  manufac- 
turers and  producers  of  such  articles,  and  the  com- 
parative cost  of  living,  and  the  kind  of  living.  It 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  commissioner,  also,  to  ascer- 
tain and  report  as  to  the  effect  of  the  tariff,  and  the 
effect  thereon  of  the  state  of  the  currency,  in  the 
United  States,  on  the  agricultural  industry,  especially 
as  to  its  effect  on  mortgage  indebtedness  of  farmers, 
and  what  articles  are  now  controlled  by  trusts,  and 
what  effect  said  trusts  have  had  on  limiting  produc- 
tion and  keeping  up  prices. 

He  shall  also  establish  a  system  of  reports   by 
which,  at  intervals  of  not  less  than  two  years,  he 


2O4 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


can  report  the  general  condition,  so  far  as  produc- 
tion is  concerned,  of  the  leading  industries  of  the 
country.  The  commissioner  ol  labor  is  also  spe- 
cially charged  to  investigate  the  causes  of  and  facts 
relating  to  all  controversies  and  disputes  between 
employers  and  employes  as  they  may  occur,  and 
which  may  tend  to  interfere  with  the  welfare  of  the 
people  of  the  different  States,  and  report  thereon  to 
Congress.  Under  the  experienced  and  able  man- 
agement of  Col.  Carroll  D.  Wright  the  work  of  the 
bureau  has  been  carried  out  in  a  most  successful 
manner,  the  annual  reports  supplying  the  most 
important  information  from  reliable  data,  giving  the 
reasons  for  industrial  depression,  the  "  rights  and 
wrongs  of  convict  labor,"  and  "  strikes  and  lockouts 
between  January,  1880,  and  December,  1886." 
This  department  has  now  in  course  of  preparation 
reports  upon  "  The  Condition  of  Railroad  Employes," 
and  "  The  Condition  of  Working  Women  in  Thirty 
Leading  Cities  in  the  United  States."  These  reports 
have  been  in  great  demand,  and  have  been  of  great 
service  in  definitely  settling  questions  bearing  upon 
work  and  wages.  It  would  be  well  if  every  thinking 
laborer  should  secure  copies  for  the  reading  of  him- 
self and  friends,  which  will  prove  to  him  that  there 
has  been  very  great  interest  taken  during  the  present 
administration  in  all  that  relates  to  the  comfort  of 
the  workingman,  and  reasonable  evidence  given  that 
under  the  same  state  of  things  there  can  only  be 
progress  for  the  better  as  these  various  statistics  are 
collected. 


THE  GOVERNMENT  PRINTING-OFFICE.        205 


THE    GOVERNMENT    PRINTING-OFFICE. 

Although  neither  a  department  nor  bureau,  this 
office  should  have  some  notice  as  the  one  from 
which  the  enormous  volume  of  reports,  speeches, 
etc.,  finds  its  way  all  over  the  United  States. 
Under  the  able  management  of  Mr.  Benedict  the 
public  printer,  important  results  have  been  secured, 
which  compare  most  favorably  with  the  work  done 
under  previous  Administrations.  Some  idea  of  this 
greatly  increased  work  may  be  gained  from  the 
following  :  — 

Copies. 

Copies  of  speeches  and  President's  message  printed 
on  private  order  for  Congress,  from  Dec.  i,  1885, 
to  June  i,  1886,  first  session,  Forty-ninth  Congress,  2,481,880 

Copies  of  speeches  and  President's  message  printed 
on  private  order  for  Congress,  from  Dec.  i,  1887, 
to  June  i,  1888,  first  session,  Fiftieth  Congress  .  .  5,565,835 

Increase 3>°83>955 

Statement  showing  the  increase  in  bound  con- 
gressional work  delivered  to  Congress  this  session 
over  that  of  two  years  ago  :  — 

Volumes. 

Congressional  work  bound,  complete,  and  delivered  to 

Congress,  from  July  i,  1885,  to  June  i,  1886  .  .  950,215 

Congressional  work  bound,  complete,  and  delivered  to 

Congress,  from  July  i,  1887,  to  June  i,  1888  .  .  1,312,122 

Increase  of  volumes  bound 361,907 

During  the  year  ending  June  30,  1886,  6,094,785 
pounds  of  printing  and  writing  papers  were  used. 
This  year,  up  to  June  9,  a  period  of  eleven  months 
and  a  quarter,  6,226,360  pounds  of  printing  and 
writing  papers  were  used,  or  an  increase  of  sixty- 


206  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

five  odd  tons  more  for  the  eleven  and  a  quarter 
months  than  was  used  in  the  whole  twelve  months 
of  1885-86. 

The  result  of  a  recent  investigation  of  this  office 
indicates,  that  notwithstanding  the  enormous  increase 
in  work  done,  and  additional  cost  of  material,  a 
saving  of  $217,000  has  been  effected,  with  303 
less  employees. 

THE   UNITED    STATES    CIVIL-SERVICE    COMMISSION. 

To  establish  a  reform  in  the  working  of  a  govern- 
ment, is  a  herculean  task ;  and  where  that  reform  has 
to  meet  with  universal  prejudice,  it  becomes  still 
more  difficult.  Reform  in  civil  service  has  been  the 
bugbear  in  all  governments,  and  the  barnacles  of 
red-tape  policy  cling  to  their  positions  with  renewed 
strength  at  every  attempt  at  removal.  In  this  coun- 
try, on  the  other  hand,  the  trouble  has  been  that  the 
service  of  the  nation  has  suffered  from  the  long- 
established  custom  of  turning  out  office-holders  at 
the  beginning  of  a  new  administration.  Thoughtful 
men,  who  have  given  their  attention  to  the  subject, 
saw  that  each  year  as  it  rolled  around  added  a  num- 
ber of  incompetent  men  to  the  already  overloaded 
rolls  of  our  various  departments ;  and,  having  the 
good  of  the  nation  in  view,  an  organization  has  been 
effected  for  the  purification  of  public  offices,  and 
reducing  the  work  of  the  Government  to  a  business 
basis.  The  result  of  the  influence  of  this  third 
political  party  has  been  to  establish  the  Civil-Service 
Commission,  having  for  its  object  the  proper  arrange- 
ment and  classification  of  all  applications  for  posi- 
tions ;  with  the  view  that  there  should  be  no 


777^  CIVIL-SERVICE  COMMISSION.  207 

complaint  as  to  examinations,  sufficient  notice  is 
given  in  season  for  the  applicants  to  be  present  at 
the  locations  selected  in  each  Sfate  and  Territory. 
From  the  fourth  annual  report  of  this  commission, 
now  passing  through  the  press,  we  learn,  that,  during 
the  year  1886-87,  two  hundred  and  sixty-eight 
examinations  were  held,  the  number  of  applicants 
examined  being  four  thousand  three  hundred  and 
twenty-seven.  Of  course  a  large  proportion  of 
these  applicants  were  examined  in  Washington, 
to  which  place  they  would  naturally  come  seeking 
office.  It  is  a  gratifying  fact  to  know,  that,  accord- 
ing to  this  last  report,  a  little  more  than  two-thirds 
of  those  examined  passed  favorably,  and  were  en- 
tered on  the  proper  lists  as  available.  It  can  be 
seen  at  once  that  by  the  addition  of  an  experienced 
clerical  force  the  general  work  of  the  Government 
would  be  more  faithfully  accomplished ;  and  the 
result,  so  far  as  shown  in  the  different  departments, 
indicates  better  work,  more  rapidity  in  its  comple- 
tion, a  less  number  of  employees,  and  a  reduction 
in  expense.  The  total  number  of  appointments  in 
the  departments  under  the  civil-service  rules,  during 
the  period  covered  by  the  report,  were  five  hundred 
and  forty-seven  ;  and  a  visit  to  any  of  our  depart- 
ments, bureaus,  or  offices  of  the  Government  will 
satisfy  the  most  incredulous  of  the  great  gain  that 
has  been  derived  from  the  working  of  the  civil- 
service  rules  under  the  careful  management  of  the 
commission,  composed  of  Alfred  P.  Edgerton,  Indi- 
ana, John  H.  Oberly,  Illinois,  and  Charles  Lyman, 
Connecticut.  Under  civil-service  rules,  each  State 
and  Territory  is  entitled  to  so  many  appointments, 
according  to  its  population.  When  a  clerk  is  needed 


208  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

in  a  department,  the  Civil-Service  Commission  is 
notified ;  and  the  names  of  the  four  highest  in  the 
grade  desired  are  sent  in  to  be  selected  from,  these 
names  being  taken  from  the  States  whose  quota  has 
not  already  been  filled.  In  this  way  the  time  and 
patience  of  heads  of  departments,  congressmen,  and 
others  is  not  trenched  upon ;  and  we  are  saved  the 
scandals  which  have  existed  heretofore  in  the  greedy 
rush  for  office. 

As  might  naturally  be  expected  in  a  great  work  of 
this  kind,  experience  would  indicate  improvements 
and  changes ;  and,  when  necessary,  such  improve- 
ments have  been  made,  and  new  rules  promulgated, 
very  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  service  of  the 
Government.  The  Civil-Service  Commission  make 
many  practical  suggestions  for  the  future  in  their 
fourth  annual  report,  which,  if  adopted  and  carried 
out,  cannot  but  lead  to  a  most  valuable  and  perfected 
system  in  the  general  management  of  the  various 
departments  of  our  government.  Not  the  least  im- 
portant recommendation  is  a  new  system  of  classifi- 
cation for  all  of  the  departments,  by  which  employees 
are  divided  into  ten  classes,  covering  salaries  of  from 
$720  per  annum  to  over  $2,000.  The  perfect  sim- 
plicity of  such  an  arrangement  must  be  apparent  at 
a  glance,  and  there  is  reasonable  certainty  that  it 
will  be  adopted.  The  successful  working  of  the 
civil-service  rules  in  every  department  of  our  Gov- 
ernment has  been  admitted  to  the  writer  by  all  the 
heads  of  departments  and  bureaus.  Work  is  better 
done  and  more  promptly,  and  the  knowledge  on  the 
part  of  the  employee  that  his  or  her  services  are 
permanent  during  good  behavior  is  a  great  induce- 
ment for  thorough  good  work.  A  singular  and  very 


THE  CIVIL-SERVICE  COMMISSION.  209 

striking  evidence  of  this  lies  in  the  fact,  that,  under 
the  present  Administration,  there  has  been  an  unpre- 
cedented increase  in  the  purchase  and  leasing  of 
permanent  residences  by  clerks  in  the  departments 
at  Washington.  No  better  evidence  of  the  value  of 
civil-service  reform  can  be  given  than  the  following 
extract  from  the  message  of  tli^e  President  of  the 
United  States :  — 


"  The  continued  operation  of  the  law  relating  to  our  civil  ser- 
vice has  added  the  most  convincing  proofs  of  its  necessity  and 
usefulness.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  note  that  every  public  officer 
who  has  a  just  idea  of  his  duty  to  the  people  testifies  to  the  value 
of  this  reform.  Its  stanchest  friends  are  found  among  those  who 
understand  it  best,  and  its  warmest  supporters  are  those  who  are 
restrained  and  protected  by  its  requirements. 

"  The  meaning  of  such  restraint  and  protection  is  not  appre- 
ciated by  those  who  want  places  under  the  Government,  regardless 
of  merit  and  efficiency,  nor  by  those  who  insist  that  the  selection 
for  such  places  should  rest  upon  a  proper  credential  showing 
active  partisan  work.  They  mean  to  public  officers,  if  not  their 
lives,  the  only  opportunity  afforded  them  to  attend  to  public  busi- 
ness ;  and  they  mean  to  the  good  people  of  the  country  the  better 
performance  of  the  work  of  their  Government. 

"  It  is  exceedingly  strange  that  the  scope  and  nature  of  this 
reform  are  so  little  understood,  and  that  so  many  things  not  in- 
cluded within  its  plan  are  called  by  its  name.  When  cavil  yields 
more  fully  to  examination,  the  system  will  have  large  additions  to 
the  number  of  its  friends. 

"  Our  civil-service  reform  may  be  imperfect  in  some  of  its 
details  ;  it  may  be  misunderstood  and  opposed  ;  it  may  not  always 
be  faithfully  applied  ;  its  designs  may  sometimes  miscarry  through 
mistake  or  wilful  intent ;  it  may  sometimes  tremble  under  the 
assaults  of  its  enemies,  or  languish  under  the  misguided  zeal  of 
impracticable  friends ;  but  if  the  people  of  this  country  ever  sub- 
mit to  the  banishment  of  its  underlying  principle  from  the  opera- 
tion of  their  Government,  they  will  abandon  the  surest  guaranty 
of  the  safety  and  success  of  American  institutions." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

ALLEN    G.    THURMAN. 

THERE  is  one  compensating  feature,  in  our 
troubled  and  ofttimes  troubling  American  politics, 
that  in  a  measure  condones  for  the  offences  of  the 
system,  and  repairs  the  wrongs  that  an  undue  parti- 
sanship may  commit.  It  lies  in  the  fact  that  after 
the  contentions  and  turmoils  of  party  campaigns 
have  passed,  and  the  inflamed  and  exaggerated  view 
has  given  place  to  dispassionate  estimate  and  fair 
judgment,  we  do  substantial  justice  to  our  public 
men,  and,  in  the  end,  award  to  them  their  proper 
place  in  history.  The  stress  of  passion  and  of  half- 
calumny  that  accompanies  the  discussion  of  public 
questions  is  an  evidence  of  the  earnestness  with 
which  our  voters  regard  the  issues  before  them,  and 
the  final  award  of  praise  that  is  given  becomes  all 
the  more  valuable  because  it  is  a  vindication  and  an 
apology  as  well.  To  some  men  who  are  so  well  en- 
dowed by  nature,  and  have  so  wrought  during  their 
working  years  that  any  belittling  carries  immediate 
reaction,  this  final  justice  is  often  done  before  the 
close  of  their  earthly  career,  and  sometimes  even  in 
the  years  of  their  best  mental  vigor  and  usefulness. 
Such  has  been  the  case  of  Allen  G.  Thurman,  in 
whose  honor  all  men  are  now  pleased  to  speak,  and 
who  is  loved  and  respected  by  many  not  of  his  polit- 

211 


212  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

ical  faith,  and  whose  patriotic,  honest,  and  honorable 
devotion  to  his  country  is  recognized  by  all.  That 
he  is  not  in  the  front  of  public  or  political  leadership 
to-day  lies  only  in  his  fixed  determination,  made 
some  time  ago,  never  again  to  be  a  candidate  for 
public  place  or  power,  but  to  give  his  final  years  to 
the  quiet  of  that  private  life  he  always  loved  but  of 
which  he  was  for  so  many  years  deprived.  We  need 
go  back  no  farther  than  the  last  convention  of  his 
party  in  this  State  to  discover  the  pressure  brought 
to  bear  upon  him  to  again  enter  public  life,  nor  the 
decided  manner  in  which  he  adhered  to  the  above 
described  resolution. 

Had  affairs  so  shaped  themselves,  on  several  occa- 
sions when  such  shape  seemed  more  than  possible, 
as  to  have  sent  Mr.  Thurman  to  the  White  House, 
he  would  have  represented  both  the  old  and  the  new 
"  Mother  of  Presidents,"  as  Virginia  gave  him  to  the 
nation,  and  Ohio  early  adopted  him  as  one  of  her 
sons.  He  was  born  in  Lynchburg,  Virginia,  on 
November  13,  1813,  his  father  being  the  Rev.  P. 
Thurman,  and  his  mother  the  only  daughter  of  Col- 
onel Nathaniel  Allen,  of  North  Carolina,  nephew 
and  adopted  son  of  Joseph  Hewes,  one  of  the  sign- 
ers of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  His  par- 
ents removed  to  Chillicothe,  the  old  capital  of  Ohio, 
in  1819,  and  he  made  that  place  his  home  until  he 
removed  to  Columbus,  in  1853,  where  he  has  since 
resided.  His  education  was  in  the  Chillicothe  acad- 
emy, and  at  the  hands  of  his  mother,  who  was  well 
gifted  by  nature  and  learning  for  that  important 
task.  He  studied  law  under  the  direction  of  his 
uncle,  the  late  William  Allen,  then  United  States 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN. 


senator,  and  afterwards  Governor  of  Ohio  ;  and  also 
with  Noah  H.  Swayne,  afterwards  one  of  the  justices 
of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  While  engaged 
in  this  duty  he  also  gave  much  time  to  land-survey- 
ing, of  which  profession  he  was  very  fond,  and  which 
doubtless  aided  in  giving  him  that  robust  strength 
and  physical  vitality  that  in  after  years  enabled  him 
to  accomplish  so  great  an  amount  of  mental  work. 
The  preparation  he  had  for  the  busy  and  useful  life 
he  has  lived  is  best  described  by  Judge  Alfred  Yaple, 
who,  in  a  recent  sketch,  gives  the  following  graphic 
picture  :  — 

His  mother  continued  to  superintend  his  educa- 
tion, directing  his  reading  of  authors  even  after  he 
had  left  the  old  Chillicothe  academy,  a  private  insti- 
tution, and  the  highest  and  only  one  he  ever  at- 
tended until  his  admission  to  the  bar.  While 
attending  this  academy  Thurman's  classmates  and 
intimates  were  sent  away  to  college.  He  could  not 
go,  for  not,  only  did  his  parents  find  themselves 
without  means  to  send  him,  but  even  required  his 
exertions  for  their  own  support  and  the  support  of 
his  sisters,  a  duty  which  he  cheerfully  and  efficiently 
rendered,  remaining  single  and  at  home  for  more 
than  nine  years  after  his  admission  to  the  bar,  giving 
a  large  part  of  his  earnings  towards  his  parents'  and 
sisters'  support.  The  day  his  companions  mounted 
the  stage  and  went  away  to  college  he  was  seized 
with  temporary  despair.  Sick  at  heart,  he  sought 
the  old  Presbyterian  burying-ground,  and  lay  down 
on  a  flat  tomb  and  cried.  Soon  the  thought  struck 
him  that  it  was  idle  and  would  not  do.  A  gentle- 
man was  passing  to  whom  he  told  his  grief,  but 


214 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


added,  — "  If  they  come  home  and  have  learned 
more  than  I  have,  they  must  work  for  it."  Old  citi- 
zens still  remember  that  a  light  was  often  seen  in 
young  Thurman's  room  until  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  He  would  never  quit  anything  until  he 
had  mastered  it  and  made  it  his  own.  This  particu- 
lar trait  he  has  possessed  ever  since.  In  the  acqui- 
sition of  solid  learning  his  academy  fellows  never 
got  in  advance  of  him,  and  he  kept  studying  long 
after  they  had  graduated.  He  taught  school,  studied 
and  practised  surveying,  prepared  himself  for  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1835. 

Those  who  have -watched  the  slow  and  ceaseless 
battle  by  which  a  young  lawyer  fights  his  way  into 
practice  and  to  a  standing  at  the  bar  can  guess  the 
progress  made  by  young  Thurman,  who  in  sixteen 
years  after  his  admission  was  placed  by  his  State 
upon  its  supreme  bench.  This  promotion  was  made 
by  no  sudden  leap,  but  came  only  by  natural  growth 
and  after  he  had  shown  himself  a  master  hand  in  his 
great  profession.  The  period  between  the  above 
dates  was  one  of  constant  and  intense  mental  activity. 
The  bar  of  Chillicothe  at  that  time  was  excelled  by 
none  in  the  State  for  ability,  learning,  and  eloquence ; 
but  such  progress  did  he  make  that  in  a  compara- 
tively short  time  he  stood  confessedly  in  the  very 
front  rank  of  the  profession,  not  only  in  Ross  County 
but  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  "  Employed  in  almost 
every  litigated  case  in  Ross  County,"  says  one  of  his 
biographers,  "  he  was  retained  in  many  important 
litigations  in  adjoining  and  remote  counties.  With 
this  immense  practice,  no  client  could  ever  truthfully 
complain  that  his  case  was  neglected.  Pleadings 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN. 

were  filed  at  the  proper  time,  and,  when  the  case  was 
called  for  trial,  his  carefully  prepared  brief  demon- 
strated that  every  pertinent  authority  had  been 
noticed  and  every  principle  of  law  involved  in  the 
case  thoroughly  analyzed  and  considered.  The 
painstaking  labor  which  he  bestowed  upon  the  prep- 
aration of  a  case  was  remarkable." 

In  1844,  Mr.  Thurman  was  nominated  as  the 
Democratic  candidate  of  the  Chillicothe  district  for 
Congress,  and  elected.  During  his  service  in  that 
high  position  he  advocated  and  voted  for  the  "  Wil- 
mot  proviso,"  and,  upon  the  introduction  of  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska bill  by  Mr.  Douglas,  he  opposed  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  as  an  unnecessary 
disturbance  of  a  fair  settlement  of  controverted 
questions,  the  reopening  of  which  might  produce  the 
most  dire  consequences.  One  term  in  Congress  led 
him  to  desire  to  again  return  to  the  law,  and  he  did 
so,  declining  a  renomination,  much  to  the  regret  of 
his  constituents.  He  remained  at  the  bar,  in  a  great 
and  growing  practice,  until  1851,  when  he  was 
elected  to  the  supreme  bench  of  Ohio,  under  the 
new  constitution,  and  drew  the  term  for  four  years. 
From  December,  1854,  to  February,  1856,  he  served 
as  chief  justice,  and,  on  the  expiration  of  his  term, 
refused  a  renomination.  The  grand  record  he  made, 
while  on  that  bench  is  a  part  of  the  history  of  Ohio,! 
and  the  wisdom  he  there  showed  gave  the  new; 
court  a  standing  and  character  all  through  the  land. 
His  opinions,  contained  in  the  first  five  volumes  of 
the  Ohio  State  reports,  are  notable  for  the  clear  and 
forcible  expressions  of  his  views  and  the  accuracy  of 
his  statements  of  the  law,  and  greatly  strengthened 


2i6  THE  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET. 

and  extended  his  reputation  as  a  lawyer  and  jurist. 
On  leaving  the  bench  he  returned  once  more  to 
practice,  the  greater  part  of  his  labors  being  in  the 
state  and  federal  courts. 

Judge  Thurman  steadily  grew  in  mental  stature, 
in  legal  reputation,  and  in  the  respect  of  his  fellow- 
men,  and  it  was  easily  seen  that  he  would  not  be 
long  left  to  the  quietness  he  had  chosen  for  himself. 
In  1867,  the  party  to  which  he  had  always  belonged, 
the  Democratic,  facing  a  majority  of  over  forty- two 
thousand,  cast  against  it  on  the  previous  year, 
looked  about  for  a  man  who  could  give  to  it  the 
splendid  leadership  it  needed,  and  the  prestige  of  a 
high  and  honored  name.  All  eyes  turned  toward 
Judge  Thurman,  and  at  the  convention  of  the  party 
he  was  unanimously  nominated  to  the  governorship. 
It  was  a  call  he  could  not  ignore,  and,  on  accepting 
the  leadership,  he  determined  to  make  the  best 
fight  that  lay  within  the  compass  of  his  powers  and 
of  the  weapons  at  his  command.  The  campaign 
was  an  intense  and  remarkable  one,  and  the  stand- 
ard-bearer carried  himself  with  such  courage  and 
determination  that  he  won  the  respect  and  admira- 
tion of  those  who  were  his  political  foes.  The 
question  in  issue  was,  whether  the  Constitution  of 
the  State  should  be  so  amended  as  to  permit  negro 
suffrage.  The  Democratic  party  opposed  the  meas- 
ure. Mr.  Thurman  gave  his  personal  attention  to 
the  details  of  the  campaign,  securing  a  perfect 
organization  all  over  the  State,  managing  all  the 
party  machinery  with  rare  generalship  and  skill,  and 
personally  taking  the  stump,  making,  in  the  four 
months  of  the  campaign,  over  one  hundred  strong 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN. 

and  masterly  speeches.  The  result  was  that  he 
defeated  the  amendment  by  over  fifty  thousand 
votes,  and  cut  down  the  Republican  majority  of 
forty-two  thousand,  in  1866,  to  less  than  three  thou- 
sand. Although  a  defeated  candidate  himself,  he 
was  the  real  winner  of  the  contest,  having  carried 
for  his  party  a  majority  of  the  General  Assembly. 
That  body,  in  recognition  of  his  splendid  fight,  and 
with  a  view  that  his  services  should  not  be  lost  to 
his  country,  elected  him  to  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate, as  the  successor  of  Benjamin  F.  Wade.  He 
took  his  seat  on  March  4,  1869,  and,  from  the  first, 
assumed  a  leading  commanding  position  in  that 
notable  body.  He  was  no  new  and  untried  man, 
but  one  of  national  reputation,  and  known  every- 
where as  the  possessor  of  great  power  as  a  debater 
and  lawyer,  and  a  master  of  the  diplomacy  of  poli- 
tics. From  the  day  of  his  entrance  to  the  -Senate, 
he  was  recognized  as  the  leader  of  the  Democratic 
minority,  and  for  twelve  years  held  that  post  of 
responsibility  without  question  and  without  a  rival. 
He  was  made  a  member  of  the  committee  on  judi- 
ciary, and,  on  the  accession  of  his  party  to  power, 
in  the  Senate  of  the  Forty-sixth  Congress,  he  was 
made  chairman  of  that  important  committee,  and 
also  elected  to  the  position  of  president  pro 
tempore,  and,  because  of  illness  of  Vice-President 
Wheeler,  was  compelled  to  preside  a  fair  portion  of 
the  time. 

Ohio  was  carried  by  the  Republicans  in  1872,  by 
a  majority  of  nearly  forty  thousand,  and  the  chances 
of  their  opponents,  in  the  year  following,  looked 
meagre  and  discouraging.  Senator  Thurman  stud- 


2i8  THE   PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

ied  the  situation  carefully,  and  decided  there  was 
a  chance  for  his  party,  and,  under  his  direction, 
and  the  spur  of  his  enthusiasm,  the  State  was  or- 
ganized, a  hard  fight  made,  and  won.  Both  branches 
of  the  Legislature  were  carried,  and  the  victory  was 
signalized  by  a  return  of  Mr.  Thurman  to  the  Sen- 
ate, for  another  term  of  six  years.  His  power  and 
influence  there  were  recognized  and  acknowledged 
by  those  who  were  not  of  his  political  faith,  as  well 
as  those  who  were.  He  was  looked  upon  as  one 
of  the  wise  and  great  statesmen  of  the  day,  and,  no 
matter  how  much  one  might  condemn  his  political 
belief,  there  was  no  one  who  doubted  his  personal 
honor  or  his  earnest  and  high-minded  patriotism. 
His  services  to  the  public  were  invaluable.  A  re- 
cent biography  of  Senator  Thurman,  in  referring  to 
this  phase  of  his  public  life,  says  :  — 

Perhaps  he  is  entitled  to  be  most  commended  and 
longest  remembered  for  introducing,  advocating 
with  consummate  skill  and  ability,  and  causing  to  be 
passed,  an  act  since  known  as  the  "Thurman  Act," 
relating  to  the  Pacific  railroads.  By  this  act,  it  is 
said  that  more  than  one  hundred  million  dollars 
were  saved  to  the  people  as  an  immediate  or  pro- 
spective result.  The  opposition  to  the  passage  of 
this  act  was  unscrupulous,  the  friends  of  the  rail- 
roads employing  every  means,  influence,  and  argu- 
ment, both  in  and  out  of  the  Senate,  to  defeat  it. 
The  bill,  as  was  asserted,  with  great  vehemence, 
was  unconstitutional,  but  its  constitutionality  was 
clearly  established  by  Mr.  Thurman,  in  a  speech  of 
great  power,  and  his  position  in  this  respect  has 
since  been  sustained  by  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN.  2IQ 

Court  of  the  United  States.  Senator  Thurman  was 
not  led  to  introduce  and  advocate  the  passage  of 
this  measure  because  of  any  fanatical  opposition  to 
railroad  corporations,  as  such,  but  simply  to  estab- 
lish and  secure  what  he  believed  to  be  the  plain 
contract  rights  of  the  government. 

Space  will  allow  no  extended  mention  of  his  ser- 
vices while  in  the  Senate.  They  are  a  part  of  our 
country,  and  stand  on  a  permanent  record.  So  val- 
uable were  they,  and  in  such  manner  had  he  carried 
himself,  that  suggestions  came  from  all  parts  of  the 
country,  that  the  National  Democratic  Convention 
of  1876  should  honor  him  in  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  The  result  was  that  his  friends  saw 
for  him  as  good  a  chance  in  St.  Louis  as  lay  before 
any  man,  and  that  chance  would,  undoubtedly,  have 
materialized  into  fact  had  not  a  division  arisen  in 
the  Ohio  delegation,  and  opposing  ambitions  kept 
him  from  having  the  undivided  support  of  his  State. 
The  cold,  simple  fact  of  history  is,  whether  pleasant 
to  all  or  not,  that  the  friends  of  other  candidates 
prevailed  on  William  Allen  to  stand  forth  as  an 
aspirant,  when  they  knew  he  could  not  be  nomi- 
nated, and  in  expectation  that  Ohio  would  thus  be 
kept  powerless  for  Thurman,  through  a  divided  dele- 
gation. The  scheme  worked,  and  the  Ohio  senator 
was  not  presented  to  the  convention,  and  the  nomi- 
nation went  to  New  York.  In  1880  there  was 
even  a  more  determined  and  outspoken  expression 
in  his  favor.  The  Democratic  State  Convention 
unanimously  adopted  resolutions  in  his  favor,  and 
instructed  the  delegation  from  Ohio  to  vote  for  him, 
and  support  him  in  the  national  convention.  The 


220  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

first  ballot  in  the  last  named  body  gave  Senator 
Thurman  the  entire  vote  of  the  Ohio  delegation, 
with  considerable  support  from  other  States.  He 
also  received  the  vote  of  Ohio  on  the  second  ballot, 
and  some  from  other  States  ;  "  but,  before  the  con- 
clusion of  that  ballot,  it  became  manifest  that  Gen- 
eral Hancock  would  be  nominated,  and  the  vote  of 
all  the  States  was  changed  to  the  latter,  with  the 
single  exception  of  Indiana,  which  State  adhered  to 
ex-Senator  Hendricks  to  the  last."  A  close  ob- 
server of  the  times,  and  one  who  knew  much  of 
Senator  Thurman  and  the  incidents  surrounding 
that  convention,  has  said  :  — 

Senator  Thurman  has  been  almost  universally  ac- 
knowledged by  the  Democracy  of  the  country  as  the 
ablest  and  best  representative  of  the  party,  and, 
from  his  long  and  eminent  services  rendered  to  the 
party  and  country,  the  most  entitled  to  be  honored 
by  it.  Motives  of  policy  undoubtedly  prevented  the 
convention  from  nominating  Thurman,  not  because 
he  was  not  popular,  for  no  man  before  the  conven- 
tion has  as  many  friends  or  fewer  enemies,  but  he 
lived  in  Ohio,  a  State,  under  all  ordinary  circum- 
stances, certainly  Republican.  And,  as  the  October 
election  in  that  State  for  State  officers  would  be 
regarded  as  a  test  of  the  strength  of  the  presidential 
candidate  in  November,  it  was  feared  that  the  De- 
mocracy, with  all  of  Senator  Thurman's  popularity 
in  the  State,  would  not  be  able  to  wrest  it  from  the 
Republicans,  with  a  favorite  son,  in  the  person  of 
General  Garfield,  as  their  candidate.  The  apprehen- 
sion that  the  moral  effect  of  the  defeat  of  the  De- 
mocracy in  Ohio,  in  October,  might  be  disastrous  to 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN.  22I 

success,  with  Thurman  as  the  candidate,  was  proba- 
bly unduly  magnified  by  the  immediate  friends  of 
other  candidates. 

When  Mr.  Thurman  retired  from  the  Senate,  on 
March  4,  1881,  he  did  so  with  the  expectation  of 
laying  down  all  public  burdens,  and  giving  himself 
to  the  pleasant  quiet  of  private  life,  where  he  could 
enjoy  the  society  of  his  family  and  his  books.  But 
the  powers  that  be  willed  otherwise,  and  the  admira- 
tion a*nd  friendship  that  President  Garfield  had  always 
held  for  his  Ohio  neighbor  were  shown  by  an  ap- 
pointment of  the  latter  as  one  of  the  representatives 
of  the  American  government  in  the  international 
congress  to  be  held  in  Paris  in  1881,  where  an  at- 
tempt would  be  made  to  agree  if  possible  on  the 
fixing  of  a  uniform  rule  by  which  silver  should  be 
regarded  as  money  by  the  countries  therein  repre- 
sented. He  accepted  the  position  because  of  the 
pleasant  manner  in  which  it  would  allow  him  to  make 
a  trip  to  Europe,  a  thing  he  had  always  desired  but 
had  never  had  leisure  to  accomplish.  He  sailed 
from  New  York  on  April  5,  1881,  and  returned  in 
the  following  October,  having  meanwhile  visited 
Switzerland,  Belgium,  England,  and  Scotland.  Soon 
after  his  return  he  was  chosen  as  one  of  the  advisory 
commission  in  the  troubles  as  to  differential  rates 
between  trunk-line  railroads  leading  from  the  Atlan- 
tic seaboard  to  the  West.  In  this  capacity  he  was  of 
great  service,  as  his  wide  acquaintance  with  all  public 
questions,  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  his  studies 
in  connection  with  railroad  problems  while  in  the 
Senate,  and  the  natural  logic  and  fairness  of  his  mind 


222  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

aided  him  to  a  comprehensive  view  and  just  conclu- 
sions. 

His  determination  to  remain  in  private  life  was 
once  more  thwarted  in  1884,  when  the  Democratic 
State  Convention  of  Ohio,  against  his  purpose  and 
protest,  sent  him  as  a  delegate  at  large  to  the  national 
Democratic  convention  in  Chicago,  where  he  did 
good  and  patriotic  service  for  his  party.  He  was 
again  and  again  mentioned  while  there  in  connection 
with  the  presidential  nomination,  but  would  not  allow 
himself  to  be  spoken  of,  or  even  considered  as  a  can- 
didate. In  the  State  convention  of  the  year  1885,  a 
most  determined  effort  was  made  to  persuade  him  to 
accept  the  nomination  for  Governor,  but  he  firmly  and 
emphatically  declined. 

Such  success  and  fame  as  Allen  G.  Thurman  has 
won  came  not  from  any  sudden  freak  of  fortune,  but 
grew  as  the  legitimate  superstructure  of  the  founda- 
tions he  had  carefully  laid.  His  life  is  a  text-book  of 
instruction  to  the  young  men  of  America.  I  have 
not  done  it  full  justice  in  the  above,  as  the  incidents 
and  illustrations  that  give  grace  and  flavor  to  a  man's 
record,  and  that  bring  the  reader  into  sympathy  with 
him,  were  perforce  omitted,  and  only  the  bare  out- 
line laid  down.  But  enough  has  been  said  to  show 
that  industry,  honesty,  and  a  concession  to  the  rights 
of  others  have  ever  been  among  the  strong  points  of 
his  character.  In  the  early  days,  when  building  up  a 
practice  at  the  bar,  he  made  a  point  to  attend  to  the 
interests  of  his  clients  with  the  most  exact  care  and 
faithfulness.  His  pleadings  were  filed  at  the  proper 
time,  and  when  the  case  was  called  he  was  always 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN.  22, 

ready,  with  a  carefully  prepared  brief  that  showed 
that  every  pertinent  authority  had  been  noticed  and 
every  principle  of  law  involved  in  the  case  thoroughly 
analyzed  and  considered.  No  labor  was  too  great, 
and  no  detail  so  small  that  it  was  not  weighed  and 
given  its  due  attention.  He  was  able  and  adroit  in 
the  trial  of  a  case,  and  the  weak  point  of  an  adver- 
sary was  always  discovered  and  attacked.  His  abil- 
ity to  class  and  generalize  was  always  great,  and  his 
logic  of  the  solid  and  convincing  order.  He  has 
always  been  a  Democrat  as  a  matter  of  conviction, 
and  his  belief  in  the  principles  of  his  party  has  been 
such  that  he  has  sometimes  manfully  stood  by  it 
when  all  its  declarations  did  not  conform  to  his  judg- 
ment, in  the  hope  and  expectation  that  it  would 
surely  return  to  all  the  tenets  of  the  ancient  faith. 
As  a  public  speaker  he  is  forcible  and  direct,  wasting 
no  time  on  trivial  points,  and  so  carrying  and  ex- 
pressing himself  as  to  compel  the  hearer  to  concede 
that  he  is  uttering  the  faith  that  is  within  him. 
While  in  the  Senate  he  always  received  marked  at- 
tention from  the  public,  and  an  announcement  that 
he  was  to  speak  would  always  secure  a  large  attend- 
ance of  spectators  and  fellow-senators. 

While  in  that  body  he  was  never  a  mere  partisan, 
and  he  always  held  the  respect  of  his  political 
opponents. 

The  gravity,  strength,  and  high  mental  stature  of 
Senator  Thurman  were  so  well  recognized  after  his 
first  few  years  in  the  Senate  that  the  title  of  the 
"  Old  Roman  "  was  soon  attached  to  him,  and  has 
since  remained,  as  Jackson  became  "  Old  Hickory," 


224 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


Benton  "  Old  Bullion,"  and  Douglas  the  "  Little 
Giant."  The  appellation  has  a  sturdy  suggestion, 
that  is  readily  adopted  by  those  who  know  the  plain 
and  simple  manner  in  which  he  carries  his  honors, 
and  the  aversion  he  holds  towards  all  forms  of  cant, 
hypocrisy,  or  ornamental  display.  As  one  has  said 
of  him,  — 

He  is  a  perfect  type  of  the  straightforward,  strong- 
hearted,  clear-headed,  Westerner.  He  is  plain  in 
dress  and  manner,  and,  barring  the  red  bandanna 
handkerchief,  which  has  become  a  part  of  American 
history,  there  is  nothing  about  him  to  break  the 
monotony  of  the  darkish,  loose-fitting  suit  in  which 
he  is  always  attired.. 

From  this  it  must  not  for  a  moment  be  imagined 
that  he  lacks  culture,  or  has  lost  anything  of  the 
grace  of  the  old  school  of  manners,  that  was 
constantly  before  him  in  the  early  days  of  his 
career.  He  is  one  of  the  most  thoroughly  learned 
men  in  public  life  in  the  country.  He  is  a  fine 
French  scholar,  and  among  his  favorite  books  are 
the  works  of  the  early  French  dramatists,  which 
he  reads  in  the  original.  He  has  a  large  and  well 
selected  library,  that  touches  in  some  form  on 
every  point  of  the  world's  literature.  He  has  a 
genius  for  mathematics,  and  is  frequently  occupied 
in  working  out  abstruse  and  intricate  problems.  He 
is  resolute,  serious,  and  emphatic  in  all  the  tasks  he 
has  in  hand,  and,  when  they  are  accomplished,  enjoys 
a  quiet  sociability,  his  talk  pleasant  and  humorous, 
and  full  of  illustrative  anecdotes.  His  days  in  these 
latter  years  of  quiet  are  mostly  spent  at  his  pleasant 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAN.  22e 

home  in  Columbus.  He  has  enough  of  this  world's 
goods  to  keep  him  comfortably  the  rest  of  his  life, 
although  his  fortune  is  small ;  every  dollar  of  it  is 
his  own  earnings,  and  no  shadow  of  suspicion  ever 
fell  into  the  minds  of  any  as  to  his  methods  of 
obtaining  it.  One  of  his  most  pleasant  memories,  as 
he  reviews  the  long  and  busy  life  he  has  lived,  must 
lie  in  the  fact  that,  even  in  the  wildest  ventures  of 
party  detraction  and  the  most  frenzied  forms  of 
political  warfare,  no  hint  has  ever  been  heard  against 
his  personal  honor,  or  his  honesty  as  a  man  or  public 
official.  Surrounded  by  the  good-will  and  good- 
wishes  of  his  home  community,  honored  by  the 
American  people  everywhere  as  a  great  and  patriotic 
man,  secure  in  the  fame  he  has  so  ably  earned,  and 
allowed  to  see  that  he  is  strong  in  the  affections  and 
respect  of  many  who  have  in  the  past  bitterly  op- 
posed him  in  public  and  political  life,  his  lot  is 
indeed  a  favored  one,  and  his  sun  is  going  down  in 
peace. 

We  have  selected  the  above  admirable  sketch  of 
Senator  Thurman,  as  prepared  by  H.  J.  Seymour  and 
published  in  the  Magazine  of  Western  History,  1885, 
as  the  best  and  most  complete  epitome  of  his  life. 
The  fact  of  his  unanimous  nomination  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent  of  the  United  States,  at  the  St.  Louis  conven- 
tion, is  conclusive  evidence  of  the  correctness  and 
justice  of  the  preceding  remarks.  Mr.  Thurman's 
letter  of  acceptance,  which  will  be  found  in  our  con- 
cluding chapter,  breathes  that  fair,  honest  spirit  of 
national  independence  which  is  bound  to  win. 

The   members    of   the    Democratic    Notification 


226  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

Committee  called  on  Judge  Thurman,  June  28,  at 
his  residence,  Columbus,  Ohio.  General  Collins 
spoke  as  follows  :  — 

JUDGE  THURMAN,  —  We  bear  a  message  from  the  great  coun- 
cil of  your  party.  It  is  but  a  formal  notice  of  your  nomination 
by  that  body  for  the  high  office  of  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  Rich  as  our  language  is  in  power  and  expression,  it 
contains  no  words  to  adequately  convey  the  sentiment  of  that 
convention  as  its  heart  went  out  to  you.  I  present  my  friend, 
the  Hon.  Charles  D.  Jacob,  Mayor  of  Louisville. 

Mr.  Jacob  stepped  forward,  and,  in  an  earnest 
voice,  read  the  following  formal  letter  of  notifica- 
tion :  — 

COLUMBUS,  Ohio,  June  28,  1888. 
To  the  Hon.  Allen  G.  Thurman  of  Ohio,  —  % 

SIR,  —  It  has  become  the  highly  agreeable  duty  of  this  com- 
mittee to  inform  you  that  upon  the  first  ballot  of  the  National 
Democratic  Convention,  held  recently  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis, 
and  representing  every  State  and  Territory  of  our  Union,  for  the 
purpose  of  selecting  candidates  for  the  Presidency  and  Vice- 
Presidency,  you  were  unanimously  chosen  as  the  nominee  of 
that  great  party,  for  the  eminent  and  responsible  office  of  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States.  In  thus  spontaneously  and  em- 
phatically demanding  a  return  to  that  political  arena  which  you 
graced  with  so  much  wisdom,  dignity,  and  vigor,  the  Democracy 
of  this  country  have  honored  themselves  by  relieving  their  party 
from  the  charge  of  ingratitude,  and  we  believe  and  trust,  in  No- 
vember next,  the  people  will  efface  such  a  taint  from  the  repub- 
lic by  electing  you  to  preside  over  the  most  august  deliberative 
body  in  the  world  —  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  [Ap- 
plause.] Should  so  desirable  a  consummation  be  achieved, 
then,  indeed,  could  every  lover  of  his  country,  regardless  of 
party  or  creed,  rejoice  that  in  you  is  embraced  the  highest  type 
of  the  enlightened  and  refined  American  citizen,  and  that,  no 
matter  what  the  crisis  might  be,  this  government  would  be  safe 
in  your  hands.  [Applause.] 

An  engrossed  copy  of  the  platform  of  principles,  couched  in 
language  that  admits  of  no  doubt,  and  adopted  without  a  dis- 
senting vote,  is  herewith  presented. 


ALLEN  G.    THURMAff. 

In  discharging  their  trust  this  committee  desire  to  convey  to 
you  assurances  of  the  most  profound  esteem  and  admiration, 
and  to  express  their  sincerest  good-wishes  for  your  happiness 
and  prosperity.  We  have  the  honor,  sir,  to  be  your  obedient 
servants. 

PATRICK  COLLINS,  Chairman,  Massachusetts. 

BASIL  GORDON,  Secretary,  Virginia. 

Amid  the  profound  silence,  Judge  Thurman  re- 
plied as  follows :  — 

MR.  CHAIRMAN  AND  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  COMMITTEE,  —  I 
pray  you  to  accept  my  very  sincere  thanks  for  the  kind  and 
courteous  manner  in  which  you  have  communicated  to  me  the 
official  information  of  my  nomination  by  the  St.  Louis  conven- 
tion. You  know  without  saying  it  that  I  am  profoundly  grate- 
ful to  the  convention  and  to  the  Pemocratic  party  for  the  honor 
conferred  upon  me,  and  the  more  so  that  it  was  wholly  unsought 
and  undesired  by  me  ;  not  that  I  undervalued  a  distinction 
which  any  man  of  our  party,  however  eminent,  might  highly 
prize,  but  simply  because  I  had  ceased  to  be  ambitious  of  public 
life.  But  when  I  am  told  in  so  earnest  and  impressive  a  man- 
ner that  I  can  still  render  service  to  the  good  cause  to  which  I 
have  ever  been  devoted  —  a  cause  to  which  I  am  bound  by  the 
ties  of  affection,  by  the  dictates  of  judgment,  by  a  sense  of 
obligation  for  favors  so  often  conferred  upon  me,  and  by  a  fer- 
vent hope  that  the  party  may  long  continue  to  be  able  to  serve 
the  republic,  what  can  I  under  such  circumstances  do  but  yield 
my  private  wishes  to  the  demand  of  those  whose  opinions  I  am 
bound  to  respect  ?  [Applause.]  Gentlemen,  with  an  unfeigned 
diffidence  in  my  ability  to  fulfil  the  expectations  that  led  to  my 
nomination,  I  yet  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  accept  it,  and  do  all 
that  it  may  be  in  my  power  to  do  to  merit  so  marked  a  distinction. 

Gentlemen,  the  country  is  blessed  by  an  able  and  honest  ad- 
ministration of  the  general  government.  [Applause.]  We 
have  a  President  who  wisely,  bravely,  diligently,  and  patriotically 
discharges  the  duties  of  his  high  office.  [Applause.]  I  fully 
believe  that  the  best  interests  of  the  country  require  his  reelec- 
tion, and  the  hope  that  I  may  be  able  to  contribute  somewhat  to 
bring  about  the  result  is  one  of  my  motives  for  accepting  a 
place  on  our  ticket,  and  I  also  feel  it  my  duty  to  labor  for  a  re- 


228  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

duction  of  taxes,  and  to  put  a  stop  to  that  accumulation  of  a 
surplus  in  the  treasury  that,  in  my  judgment,  is  not  only  prej- 
udicial to  our  financial  welfare,  but  is  in  a  high  degree  danger- 
ous to  honest  and  constitutional  government.  [Applause.]  I 
suppose,  gentlemen,  that  I  need  say  no  more  to-day.  In  due 
time,  and  in  accordance  with  established  usage,  I  will  transmit 
to  your  chairman  a  written  acceptance  of  my  nomination,  with 
such  observations  upon  public  questions  as  may  seem  to  me  to 
be  proper.  [Applause.] 


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CHAPTER  XIII. 

CAMPAIGN    OF    1 888. OFFICIAL   DOCUMENTS. 

TARIFF     MESSAGE.  —  DEMOCRATIC      PLATFORM.  —  CIVIL     SERVICE 

MESSAGE. 

IN  this,  the  concluding  chapter  of  our  work,  it  is 
our  province  to  show  that  the  programme  of  the 
Democratic  party  is  to  continue  the  good  work  so 
well  commenced,  and  to  that  end  we  invite  the  atten- 
tion of  our  readers  to  the  documents  which  follow, 
feeling  convinced  that  a  careful  perusal  of  the  same 
will  secure  conviction  to  the  minds  of  all :  — 

TARIFF  MESSAGE 

OF  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  COMMUNICATED  TO 
THE  TWO  HOUSES  OF  CONGRESS  AT  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE 
FIRST  SESSION  OF  THE  FIFTIETH  CONGRESS. 

To  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  —  You  are  con- 
fronted at  the  threshold  of  your  legislative  duties  with  a  condi- 
tion of  the  national  finances  which  imperatively  demands 
immediate  and  careful  consideration. 

The  amount  of  money  annually  exacted,  through  the  opera- 
tion of  present  laws,  from  the  industries  and  necessities  of  the 
people,  largely  exceeds  the  sum  necessary  to  meet  the  expenses 
of  the  government. 

When  we  consider  that  the  theory  of  our  institutions 
guarantees  to  every  citizen  the  full  enjoyment  of  all  the  fruits 
of  his  industry  and  enterprise,  with  only  such  deduction  as  may 

229 


230 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


be  his  share  towards  the  careful  and  economical  maintenance 
of  the  government  which  protects  him,  it  is  plain  that  the 
exaction  of  more  than  this  is  indefensible  extortion,  and  a 
culpable  betrayal  of  American  fairness  and  justice.  This 
wrong  inflicted  upon  those  who  bear  the  burden  of  national 
taxation,  like  other  wrongs,  multiplies  a  brood  of  evil  conse- 
quences. The  public  treasury,  which  should  only  exist  as  a 
conduit  conveying  the  people's  tribute  to  its  legitimate  objects 
of  expenditure,  becomes  a  hoarding-place  for  money  needlessly 
withdrawn  from  trade  and  the  people's  use,  thus  crippling  our 
national  energies,  suspending  our  country's  development,  pre- 
venting investment  in  productive  enterprise,  threatening  finan- 
cial disturbance,  and  inviting  schemes  of  public  plunder. 

This  condition  of  our  treasury  is  not  altogether  new ;  and  it 
has  more  than  once  of  late  been  submitted  to  the  people's 
representatives  in  the  Congress,  who  alone  can  apply  a  remedy. 
And  yet  the  situation  still  continues,  with  aggravated  incidents, 
more  than  ever  presaging  financial  convulsion  and  widespread 
disaster. 

It  will  not  do  to  neglect  this  situation  because  its  dangers 
are  not  now  palpably  imminent  and  apparent.  They  exist  none 
the  less  certainly,  and  await  the  unforeseen  and  unexpected 
occasion  when  suddenly  they  will  be  precipitated  upon  us. 

On  the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  1885,  the  excess  of  revenues  over 
public  expenditures,  after  complying  with  the  annual  require- 
ment of  the  sinking-fund  act,  was  $17,859,735.84;  during  the 
year  ended  June  30,  1886,  such  excess  amounted  to  $49,405, 
545.20 ;  and  during  the  year  ended  June  30,  1887,  it  reached 
the  sum  of  $55,567,849.54. 

The  annual  contributions  to  the  sinking  fund  during  the 
three  years  above  specified,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 
$138,058,320.94,  and  deducted  from  the  surplus  as  stated,  were 
made  by  calling  in  for  that  purpose  outstanding  three  per  cent, 
bonds  of  the  government.  During  the  six  months  prior  to 
June  30,  1887,  the  surplus  revenue  had  grown  so  large  by 
repeated  accumulations,  and  it  was  feared  the  withdrawal  of 
this  great  sum  of  money  needed  by  the  people  would  so  affect 
the  business  of  the  country,  that  the  sum  of  $79,864,100  of  such 
surplus  was  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  principal  and  inter- 
est of  the  three  per  cent,  bonds  still  outstanding,  and  which  were 
then  payable  at  the  option  of  the  government,  The  precarious 


TARIFF  MESSAGE. 


231 


condition  of  financial  affairs  among  the  people  still  needing 
relief,  immediately  after  the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  1887,  the 
remainder  of  the  three  per  cent,  bonds  then  outstanding, 
amounting  with  principal  and  interest  to  the  sum  of  $18,877,500, 
were  called  in  and  applied  to  the  sinking-fund  contribution  for 
the  current  fiscal  year.  Notwithstanding  these  operations  of 
the  Treasury  Department,  representations  of  distress  in  business 
circles  not  only  continued  but  increased,  and  absolute  peril 
seemed  at  hand.  In  these  circumstances,  the  contribution  to 
the  sinking  fund  for  the  current  fiscal  year  was  at  once  com- 
pleted by  the  expenditure  of  $27,684,283.55  in  the  purchase  of 
government  bonds  not  yet  due  bearing  four  and  four  and  a  half 
per  cent,  interest,  the  premium  paid  thereon  averaging  about 
twenty-four  per  cent,  for  the  former  and  eight  per  cent,  for  the 
latter.  In  addition  to  this,  the  interest  accruing  during  the 
current  year  upon  the  outstanding  bonded  indebtedness  of  the 
government  was  to  some  extent  anticipated,  and  banks  selected 
as  depositories  of  public  money  were  permitted  to  somewhat  in- 
crease their  deposits. 

While  the  expedients  thus  employed  to  release  to  the  people 
the  money  lying  idle  in  the  Treasury  served  to  avert  immediate 
danger,  our  surplus  revenues  have  continued  to  accumulate,  the 
excess  for  the  present  year  amounting  on  the  first  day  of  Decem- 
ber to  $55,258,701.19,  and  estimated  to  reach  the  sum  of 
$113,000,000  on  the  3oth  of  June  next,  at  which  date  it  is  ex- 
pected that  this  sum,  added  to  prior  accumulations,  will  swell 
the  surplus  in  the  treasury  to  $140,000,000. 

There  seems  to  be  no  assurance  that,  with  such  a  withdrawal 
from  use  of  the  people's  circulating  medium,  our  business  com- 
munity may  not  in  the  near  future  be  subjected  to  the  same 
distress  which  was  quite  lately  produce^  from  the  same  cause. 
And  while  the  functions  of  our  National  Treasury  should  be  few 
and  simple,  and  while  its  best  condition  would  be  reached,  I 
believe,  by  its  entire  disconnection  with  private  business  inter- 
ests, yet  when,  by  a  perversion  of  its  purposes,  it  idly  holds 
money  uselessly  subtracted  from  the  channels  of  trade,  there 
seems  to  be  reason  for  the  claim  that  some  legitimate  means 
should  be  devised  by  the  government  to  restore  in  an  emer- 
gency, without  waste  or  extravagance,  such  money  to  its  place 
among  the  people. 

If  such  an  emergency  arises,  there  now  exists  no  clear  and 


232 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


undoubted  executive  power  of  relief.  Heretofore  the  redemp- 
tion of  three  per  cent,  bonds,  which  were  payable  at  the  option 
of  the  government,  has  afforded  a  means  for  the  disbursement 
of  the  excess  of  our  revenues ;  but  these  bonds  have  all  been 
retired,  and  there  are  no  bonds  outstanding  the  payment  of 
which  we  have  the  right  to  insist  upon.  The  contribution  to 
the  sinking  fund  which  furnishes  the  occasion  for  expenditure 
in  the  purchase  of  bonds  has  been  already  made  for  the  current 
year,  so  that  there  is  no  outlet  in  that  direction. 

In  the  present  state  of  legislation,  the  only  pretence  of  any 
existing  executive  power  to  restore,  at  this  time,  any  part  of  our 
surplus  revenues  to  the  people  by  its  expenditure,  consists  in 
the  supposition  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  may  enter 
the  market  and  purchase  the  bonds  of  the  government  not  yet 
due,  at  a  rate  of  premium  to  be  agreed  upon.  The  only  provis- 
ion of  law  from  which  such  a  power  could  be  derived  is  found 
in  an  appropriation  bill  passed  a  number  of  years  ago ;  and  it  is 
subject  to  the  suspicion  that  it  was  intended  as  temporary  and 
limited  in  its  application,  instead  of  conferring  a  continuing  dis- 
cretion and  authority.  No  condition  ought  to  exist  which 
•would  justify  the  grant  of  power  to  a  single  official,  upon  his 
judgment  of  its  necessity,  to  withhold  from  or  release  to  the 
business  of  the  people,  in  an  unusual  manner,  money  held  in  the 
Treasury,  and  thus  affect,  at  his  will,  the  financial  situation  of 
the  country ;  and  if  it  is  deemed  wise  to  lodge  in  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  the  authority  in  the  present  juncture  to  purchase 
bonds,  it  should  be  plainly  vested,  and  provided,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, with  such  checks  and  limitations  as  will  define  this  offi- 
cial's right  and  discretion,  and  at  the  same  time  relieve  him 
from  undue  responsibility. 

In  considering  the  question  of  purchasing  bonds  as  a  means 
of  restoring  to  circulation  the  surplus  money  accumulating  in 
the  treasury,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  premiums  must  of 
course  be  paid  upon  such  purchase,  that  there  may  be  a  large 
part  of  these  bonds  held  as  investments  which  cannot  be  pur- 
chased at  any  price,  and  that  combinations  among  holders  who 
are  willing  to  sell  may  unreasonably  enhance  the  cost  of  such 
bonds  to  the  government. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  the  present  bonded  debt  might 
be  refunded  at  a  less  rate  of  interest,  and  the  difference  between 
the  old  and  new  security  paid  in  cash,  thus  finding  use  for  the 


TARIFF  MESSAGE.  2_. 

surplus  in  the  treasury.  The  success  of  this  plan,  it  is  appar- 
ent, must  depend  upon  the  volition  of  the  holders  of  the  present 
bonds;  and  it  is  not  entirely  certain  that  the  inducement  which 
must  be  offered  them  would  result  in  more  financial  benefit  to 
the  government  than  the  purchase  of  bonds,  while  the  latter 
proposition  would  reduce  the  principal  of  the  debt  by  actual 
payment,  instead  of  extending  it. 

The  proposition  to  deposit  the  money  held  by  the  govern- 
ment in  banks  throughout  the  country,  for  use  by  the  people,  is, 
it  seems  to  me,  exceedingly  objectionable  in  principle,  as  estab- 
lishing too  close  a  relationship  between  the  operations  of  the 
government  treasury  and  the  business  of  the  country,  and  too 
extensive  a  commingling  of  their  money,  thus  fostering  an 
unnatural  reliance  in  private  business  upon  public  funds.  If 
this  scheme  should  be  adopted,  it  should  only  be  done  as  a 
temporary  expedient  to  meet  an  urgent  necessity.  Legisla- 
tive and  executive  effort  should  generally  be  in  the  opposite 
direction,  and  should  have  a  tendency  to  divorce,  as  much  and  as 
fast  as  can  safely  be  done,  the  treasury  department  from  private 
enterprise. 

Of  course  it  is  not  expected  that  unnecessary  and  extrava- 
gant appropriations  will  be  made  for  the  purpose  of  avoiding 
the  accumulation  of  an  excess  of  revenue.  Such  expenditure, 
beside  the  demoralization  of  all  just  conceptions  of  public  duty 
which  it  entails,  stimulates  a  habit  of  reckless  improvidence  not 
in  the  least  consistent  with  the  mission  of  our  people  or  the  high 
and  beneficent  purposes  of  our  government. 

I  have  deemed  it  my  duty  to  thus  bring  to  the  knowledge  of 
my  countrymen,  as  well  as  to  the  attention  of  their  representa- 
tives charged  with  the  responsibility  of  legislative  relief,  the 
gravity  of  our  financial  situation.  The  failure  of  the  Congress 
heretofore  to  provide  against  the  dangers  which  it  was  quite 
evident  the  very  nature  of  the  difficulty  must  necessarily  pro- 
duce caused  a  condition  of  financial  distress  and  apprehension 
since  your  last  adjournment,  which  taxed  to  the  utmost  all  the 
authority  and  expedients  within  executive  control ;  and  these 
appear  now  to  be  exhausted.  If  disaster  results  from  the  con- 
tinued inaction  of  Congress,  the  responsibility  must  rest  where 
it  belongs. 

Though  the  situation  thus  far  considered  is  fraught  with 
danger  which  should  be  fully  realized,  and  though  it  presents 


234 


THE   PRESIDENT  AND    HIS    CABINET. 


features  of  wrong  to  the  people  as  well  as  peril  to  the  country,  it 
is- but  a  result  growing  out  of  a  perfectly  palpable  and  apparent 
cause,  constantly  reproducing  the  same  alarming  circumstances 
—  a  congested  national  treasury  and  a  depleted  monetary  con- 
dition in  the  business  of  the  country.  It  need  hardly  be  stated 
that,  while  the  present  situation  demands  a  remedy,  we  can  only 
be  saved  from  a  like  predicament  in  the  future  by  the  removal 
of  its  cause. 

Our  scheme  of  taxation,  by  means  of  which  this  needless 
surplus  is  taken  from  the  people  and  put  into  the  public 
treasury,  consists  of  a  tariff  or  duty  levied  upon  importations 
from  abroad,  and  internal  revenue  taxes  levied  upon  the  con- 
sumption of  tobacco  and  spirituous  and  malt  liquors.  It  must 
be  conceded  that  none  of  the  things  subjected  to  internal- 
revenue  taxation  are,  strictly  speaking,  necessaries ;  there 
appears  to  be  no  just  complaint  of  this  taxation  by  the  consu- 
mers of  these  articles,  and  there  seems  to  be  nothing  so  well 
able  to  bear  the  burden  without  hardship  to  any  portion  of  the 
people. 

But  our  present  tariff  laws,  the  vicious,  inequitable,  and 
illogical  source  of  unnecessary  taxation,  ought  to  be  at  once 
revised  and  amended.  These  laws,  as  their  primary  and  plain 
effect,  raise  the  price  to  consumers  of  all  articles  imported  and 
subject  to  duty  by  precisely  the  sum  paid  for  such  duties.  Thus 
the  amount  of  the  duty  measures  the  tax  paid  by  those  who  pur- 
chase for  use  these  imported  articles.  Many  of  these  things, 
however,  are  raised  or  manufactured  in  our  own  country,  and 
the  duties  now  levied  upon  foreign  goods  and  products  are 
called  protection  to  these  home  manufactures,  because  they  ren- 
der it  possible  for  those  of  our  people  who  are  manufacturers  to 
make  these  taxed  articles  and  sell  them  for  a  price  equal  to  that 
demanded  for  the  imported  goods  that  have  paid  customs  duty. 
So  it  happens  that,  while  comparatively  a  few  use  the  imported 
articles,  millions  of  our  people,  who  never  used  and  never  saw 
any  of  the  foreign  products,  purchase  and  use  things  of  the 
same  kind  made  in  this  country,  and  pay  therefor  nearly  or 
quite  the  same  enhanced  price  which  the  duty  adds  to  the  im- 
ported articles.  Those  who  buy  imports  pay  the  duty  charged 
thereon  into  the  public  treasury,  but  the  great  majority  of  our  cit- 
izens, who  buy  domestic  articles  of  the  same  class,  pay  a  sum 
at  least  approximately  equal  to  this  duty  to  the  home  manufac- 


TARIFF  MESSAGE.  2^ 

turer.  This  reference  to  the  operation  of  our  tariff  laws  is  not 
made  by  way  of  instruction,  but  in  order  that  we  may  be  con- 
stantly reminded  of  the  manner  in  which  they  impose  a  burden 
upon  those  who  consume  domestic  products  as  well  as  those 
who  consume  imported  articles,  and  thus  create  a  tax  upon  all 
our  people. 

It  is  not  proposed  to  entirely  relieve  the  country  of  this 
taxation.  It  must  be  extensively  continued  as  the  source  of  the 
government's  income ;  and  in  a  readjustment  of  our  tariff  the 
interests  of  American  labor  engaged  in  manufacture  should  be 
carefully  considered,  as  well  as  the  preservation  of  our  manu- 
facturers. It  may  be  called  protection,  or  by  any  other  name, 
but  relief  from  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  our  present  tariff  laws 
should  be  devised  with  especial  precaution  against  imperilling 
the  existence  of  our  manufacturing  interests.  But  this  existence 
should  not  mean  a  condition  which,  without  regard  to  the  public 
welfare  or  a  national  exigency,  must  always  insure  the  realiza- 
tion of  immense  profits  instead  of  moderately  profitable  returns. 
As  the  volume  and  diversity  of  our  national  activities  increase, 
new  recruits  are  added  to  those  who  desire  a  continuation  of  the 
advantages  which  they  conceive  the  present  system  of  tariff  tax- 
ation directly  affords  them.  So  stubbornly  have  all  efforts  to 
reform  the  present  condition  been  resisted  by  those  of  our 
fellow-citizens  thus  engaged  that  they  can  hardly  complain  of 
the  suspicion,  entertained  to  a  certain  extent,  that  there  exists 
an  organized  combination  all  along  the  line  to  maintain  their 
advantage. 

We  are  in  the  midst  of  centennial  celebrations,  and  with 
becoming  pride  we  rejoice  in  American  skill  and  ingenuity,  in 
American  energy  and  enterprise,  and  in  the  wonderful  natural 
advantages  and  resources  developed  by  a  century's  national 
growth.  Yet  when  an  attempt  is  made  to  justify  a  scheme 
which  permits  a  tax  to  be  laid  upon  every  consumer  in  the  land 
for  the  benefit  of  our  manufacturers,  quite  beyond  a  reasonable 
demand  for  governmental  regard,  it  suits  the  purposes  of  advo- 
cacy to  call  our  manufactures  infant  industries,  still  needing  the 
highest  and  greatest  degree  of  favor  and  fostering  care  that  can 
be  wrung  from  federal  legislation. 

It  is  also  said  that  the  increase  in  the  price  of  domestic  man- 
ufactures resulting  from  the  present  tariff  is  necessary  in  order 
that  higher  wages  may  be  paid  to  our  workingmen  employed  in 


236 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


manufactories  than  are  paid  for  what  is  called  the  pauper  labor 
of  Europe.  All  will  acknowledge  the  force  of  an  argument 
which  involves  the  welfare  and  liberal  compensation  of  our  labor- 
ing people.  Our  labor  is  honorable  in  the  eyes  of  every  Ameri- 
can citizen  ;  and,  as  it  lies  at  the  foundation  of  our  development 
and  progress,  it  is  entitled,  without  affectation  or  hypocrisy,  to 
the  utmost  regard.  The  standard  of  our  laborers'  life  should 
not  be  measured  by  that  of  any  other  country  less  favored,  and 
they  are  entitled  to  their  full  share  of  all  our  advantages. 

By  the  last  census  it  is  made  to  appear  that,  of  the  17,392,099 
of  our  population  engaged  in  all  kinds  of  industries,  7,670,493 
are  employed  in  agriculture,  4,074,238  in  professional  and  per- 
sonal service  (2,934,876  of  whom  are  domestic  servants  and 
laborers),  while  1,810,256  are  employed  in  trade  and  transporta- 
tion, and  3,837,112  are  classed  as  employed  in  manufacturing 
and  mining. 

For  present  purposes,  however,  the  last  number  given  should 
be  considerably  reduced.  Without  attempting  to  enumerate  all, 
it  will  be  conceded  that  there  should  be  deducted  from  those 
which  it  includes  375,143  carpenters  and  joiners,  285,401  milli- 
ners, dressmakers,  and  seamstresses,  172,726  blacksmiths, 
133,756  tailors  and  tailoresses,  102,473  masons,  76,241  butchers, 
41,309  bakers,  22,083  plasterers,  and  4,891  engaged  in  manufac- 
turing agricultural  implements,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to 
1,214,023,  leaving  2,623,089  persons  employed  in  such  manufac- 
turing industries  as  are  claimed  to  be  benefited  by  a  high 
tariff. 

To  these  the  appeal  is  made  to  save  their  employment  and 
maintain  their  wages  by  resisting  a  change.  There  should  be 
no  disposition  to  answer  such  suggestions  by  the  allegation  that 
they  are  in  a  minority  among  those  who  labor,  and  therefore 
should  forego  an  advantage,  in  the  interest  of  low  prices  for  the 
majority ;  their  compensation,  as  it  may  be  affected  by  the  oper- 
ation of  tariff  laws,  should  at  all  times  be  scrupulously  kept  in 
view  ;  and  yet,  with  slight  reflection,  they  will  not  overlook  the 
fact  that  they  are  consumers  with  the  rest ;  that  they,  too,  have 
their  own  wants  and  those  of  their  families  to  supply  from  their 
earnings,  and  that  the  price  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  as  well  as 
the  amount  of  their  wages,  will  regulate  the  measure  of  their 
welfare  and  comfort. 

But  the  reduction  of  taxation  demanded  should  be  so  meas- 


TARIFF  MESSAGE. 

ured  as  not  to  necessitate  or  justify  either  the  loss  of  employ- 
ment by  the  workingman,  nor  the  lessening  of  his  wages ;  and 
the  profits  still  remaining  to  the  manufacturer,  after  a  necessary 
readjustment,  should  furnish  no  excuse  for  the  sacrifice  of  the 
interests  of  his  employe's,  either  in  their  opportunity  to  work  or 
in  the  diminution  of  their  compensation.  Nor  can  the  worker 
in  manufactures  fail  to  understand  that,  while  a  high  tariff  is 
claimed  to  be  necessary  to  allow  the  payment  of  remunerative 
wages,  it  certainly  results  in  a  very  large  increase  in  the  price  of 
nearly  all  sorts  of  manufactures,  which,  in  almost  countless 
forms,  he  needs  for  the  use  of  himself  and  his  family.  He  re- 
ceives at  the  desk  of  his  employer  his  wages,  and  perhaps  before 
he  reaches  his  home  is  obliged,  in  a  purchase  for  family  use  of 
an  article  which  embraces  his  own  labor,  to  return  in  the  pay- 
ment of  the  increase  in  price  which  the  tariff  permits  the  hard- 
earned  compensation  of  many  days  of  toil. 

The  farmer  and  the  agriculturist,  who  manufactures  nothing, 
but  who  pays  the  increased  price  which  the  tariff  imposes,  upon 
every  agricultural  implement,  upon  all  he  wears  and  upon  all  he 
uses  and  owns,  except  the  increase  of  his  flocks  and  herds,  and 
such  things  as  his  husbandry  produces  from  the  soil,  is  invited 
to  aid  in  maintaining  the  present  situation,  and  he  is  told  that  a 
high  duty  on  imported  wool  is  necessary  for  the  benefit  of  those 
who  have  sheep  to  shear,  in  order  that  the  price  of  their  wool 
may  be  increased.  They,  of  course,  are  not  reminded  that  the 
farmer  who  has  no  sheep  is  by  this  scheme  obliged,  in  his  pur- 
chases of  clothing  and  woollen  goods,  to  pay  a  tribute  to  his 
fellow-farmer  as  well  as  to  the  manufacturer  and  merchant ;  nor 
is  any  mention  made  of  the  fact  that  the  sheep-owners  them- 
selves and  their  households  must  wear  clothing,  and  use  other 
articles  manufactured  from  the  wool  they  sell  at  tariff  prices,  and 
thus  as  consumers  must  return  their  share  of  this  increased 
price  to  the  tradesman. 

I  thifik  it  may  be  fairly  assumed  that  a  large  proportion  of 
the  sheep  owned  by  the  farmers  throughout  the  country  are 
found  in  small  flocks,  numbering  from  twenty-five  to  fifty.  The 
duty  on  the  grade  of  imported  wool  which  these  sheep  yield  is 
10  cents  each  pound  if  of  the  value  of  30  cents  or  less,  and  12 
cents  if  of  the  value  of  more  than  30  cents.  If  the  liberal  esti- 
mate of  six  pounds  be  allowed  for  each  fleece,  the  duty  thereon 
would  be  60  or  72  cents,  and  this  may  be  taken  as  the  utmost 


238  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

enhancement  of  its  price  to  the  farmer  by  reason  of  this  duty. 
Eighteen  dollars  would  thus  represent  the  increased  price  of  the 
wool  from  twenty-five  sheep,  and  $36  that  from  the  wool  of  fifty 
sheep ;  and  at  present  values  this  addition  would  amount  to 
about  one-third  of  its  price.  If  upon  its  sale  the  fanner  receives 
this  or  a  less  tariff  profit,  the  wool  leaves  his  hands  charged  with 
precisely  that  sum,  which  in  all  its  changes  will  adhere  to  it,  un- 
til it  reaches  the  consumer.  When  manufactured  into  cloth  and 
other  goods  and  material  for  use,  its  cost  is  not  only  increased 
to  the  extent  of  the  farmer's  tariff  profit,  but  a  further  sum  has 
been  added  for  the  benefit  of  the  manufacturer  under  the  oper- 
ation of  other  tariff  laws.  In  the  meantime,  the  day  arrives 
when  the  farmer  finds  it  necessary  to  purchase  woollen  goods 
and  material  to  clothe  himself  and  family  for  the  winter.  When 
he  faces  the  tradesman  for  that  purpose,  he  discovers  that  he  is 
obliged  not  only  to  return  in  the  way  of  increased  prices  his 
tariff  profit  on  the  wool  he  sold,  and  which  then  perhaps  lies 
before  him  in  manufactured  form,  but  that  he  must  add  a  con- 
siderable sum  thereto  to  meet  a  further  increase  in  cost  caused 
by  a  tariff  duty  on  the  manufacture.  Thus  in  the  end  he  is 
aroused  to  the  fact  that  he  has  paid  upon  a  moderate  purchase, 
as  a  result  of  the  tariff  scheme,  which,  when  he  sold  his  wool, 
seemed  so  profitable,  an  increase  in  price  more  than  sufficient  to 
sweep  away  all  the  tariff  profit  he  received  upon  the  wool  he 
produced  and  sold. 

When  the  number  of  farmers  engaged  in  wool-raising  is  com- 
pared with  all  the  farmers  in  the  country,  and  the  small  propor- 
tion they  bear  to  our  population  is  considered ;  when  it  is  made 
apparent  that,  in  the  case  of  a  large  part  of  those  who  own 
sheep,  the  benefit  of  the  present  tariff  on  wool  is  illusory ;  and, 
above  all,  when  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  increase  of  the 
cost  of  living  caused  by  such  tariff  becomes  a  burden  upon 
those  with  moderate  means  and  the  poor,  the  employed  and  un- 
employed, the  sick  and  well,  and  the  young  and  old,  and  that  it 
constitutes  a  tax  which,  with  relentless  grasp,  is  fastened  upon 
the  clothing  of  every  man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  land,  reasons 
are  suggested  why  the  removal  or  reduction  of  this  duty  should 
be  included  in  a  revision  of  our  tariff  laws. 

In  speaking  of  the  increased  cost  to  the  consumer  of  our 
home  manufactures,  resulting  from  a  duty  laid  upon  imported 
articles  of  the  same  description,  the  fact  is  not  overlooked  that 


TARIFF  MESSAGE. 

competition  among  our  domestic  producers  sometimes  has  the 
effect  of  keeping  the  price  of  their  products  below  the  highest 
limit  allowed  by  such  duty.  But  it  is  notorious  that  this  com- 
petition is  too  often  strangled  by  combinations  quite  prevalent 
at  this  time,  and  frequently  called  trusts,  which  have  for  their 
object  the  regulation  of  the  supply  and  price  of  commodities 
made  and  sold  by  members  of  the  combination.  The  people 
can  hardly  hope  for  any  consideration  in  the  operation  of  these 
selfish  schemes. 

If,  however,  in  the  absence  of  such  combination,  a  healthy 
and  free  competition  reduces  the  price  of  any  particular  duti- 
able article  of  home  production,  below  the  limit  which  it  might 
otherwise  reach  under  our  tariff  laws,  and  if,  with  such  reduced 
price,  its  manufacture  continues  to  thrive,  it  is  entirely  evident 
that  one  thing  has  been  discovered  which  should  be  carefully 
scrutinized  in  an  effort  to  reduce  taxation. 

The  necessity  of  combination  to  maintain  the  price  of  any 
commodity  to  the  tariff  point  furnishes  proof  that  some  one  is 
willing  to  accept  lower  prices  for  such  commodity,  and  that  such 
prices  are  remunerative ;  and  lower  prices  produced  by  compe- 
tition prove  the  same  thing.  Thus  where  either  of  these  con- 
ditions exists  a  case  would  seem  to  be  presented  for  an  easy 
reduction  of  taxation. 

The  considerations  which  have  been  presented  touching  our 
tariff  laws  are  intended  only  to  enforce  an  earnest  recommen- 
dation that  the  surplus  revenues  of  the  government  be  prevented 
by  the  reduction  of  our  customs  duties,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to 
emphasize  a  suggestion  that  in  accomplishing  this  purpose  we 
may  discharge  a  double  duty  to  our  people  by  granting  to  them 
a  measure  of  relief  from  tariff  taxation  in  quarters  where  it  is 
most  needed  and  from  sources  where  it  can  be  most  fairly  and 
justly  accorded. 

Nor  can  the  presentation  made  of  such  considerations  be,  with 
any  degree  of  fairness,  regarded  as  evidence  of  unfriendliness 
toward  our  manufacturing  interests,  or  of  any  lack  of  apprecia- 
tion of  their  value  and  importance. 

These  interests  constitute  a  leading  and  most  substantial 
element  of  our  national  greatness  and  furnish  the  proud  proof 
of  our  country's  progress.  But  if  in  the  emergency  that  presses 
upon  us  our  manufacturers  are  asked  to  surrender  something 
for  the  public  good  and  to  avert  disaster,  their  patriotism,  as 


240 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


well  as  a  grateful  recognition  of  advantages  already  afforded, 
should  lead  them  to  willing  cooperation.  No  demand  is  made 
that  they  shall  forego  all  the  benefits  of  governmental  regard  ; 
but  they  cannot  fail  to  be  admonished  of  their  duty,  as  well  as 
their  enlightened  self-interest  and  safety,  when  they  are  re- 
minded of  the  fact  that  financial  panic  and  collapse,  to  which 
the  present  condition  tends,  afford  no  greater  shelter  or  protec- 
tion to  our  manufactures  than  to  our  other  important  enterprises. 
Opportunity  for  safe,  careful,  and  deliberate  reform  is  now 
offered ;  and  none  of  us  should  be  unmindful  of  a  time  when 
an  abused  and  irritated  people,  heedless  of  those  who  have  re- 
sisted timely  and  reasonable  relief,  may  insist  upon  a  radical 
and  sweeping  rectification  of  their  wrongs. 

The  difficulty  attending  a  wise  and  fair  revision  of  our  tariff 
laws  is  not  underestimated.  It  will  require  on  the  part  of  the 
Congress  great  labor  and  care,  and  especially  a  broad  and 
national  contemplation  of  the  subject,  and  a  patriotic  disregard 
of  such  local  and  selfish  claims  as  are  unreasonable  and  reck- 
less of  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country. 

Under  our  present  laws  more  than  four  thousand  articles  are 
subject  to  duty.  Many  of  these  do  not  in  any  way  compete 
with  our  own  manufactures,  and  many  are  hardly  worth  atten- 
tion as  subjects  of  revenue.  A  considerable  reduction  can  be 
made  in  the  aggregate  by  adding  them  to  the  free  list.  The 
taxation  of  luxuries  presents  no  features  of  hardship  ;  but  the 
necessaries  of  life  used  and  consumed  by  all  the  people,  the 
duty  upon  which  adds  to  the  cost  of  living  in  every  home,  should 
be  greatly  cheapened. 

The  radical  reduction  of  the  duties  imposed  on  raw  material 
used  in  manufactures,  or  its  free  importation,  is  of  course  an 
important  factor  in  any  effort  to  reduce  the  price  of  these  neces- 
saries; it  would  not  only  relieve  them  from  the  increased  cost 
caused  by  the  tariff  on  such  material,  but,  the  manufactured 
product  being  thus  cheapened,  that  part  of  the  tariff  now  laid 
upon  such  product,  as  a  compensation  to  our  manufacturers  for 
the  present  price  of  raw  material,  could  be  accordingly  modi- 
fied. Such  reduction,  or  free  importation,  would  serve  beside 
to  largely  reduce  the  revenue.  It  is  not  apparent  how  such  a 
change  can  have  any  injurious  effect  upon  our  manufacturers. 
On  the  contrary,  it  would  appear  to  give  them  a  better  chance 
in  foreign  markets  with  the  manufacturers  of  other  countries, 


TARIFF  MESSAGE 


241 


who  cheapen  their  wares  by  free  material.  Thus  our  people 
might  have  the  opportunity  of  extending  their  sales  beyond  the 
limits  of  home  consumption  —  saving  them  from  the  depression, 
interruption  in  business,  and  loss  caused  by  a  glutted  domestic 
market,  and  affording  their  employes  more  certain  and  steady 
labor,  with  its  resulting  quiet  and  contentment. 

The  question  thus  imperatively  presented  for  solution  should 
be  approached  in  a  spirit  higher  than  partisanship  and  con- 
sidered in  the  light  of  that  regard  for  patriotic  duty  which  should 
characterize  the  action  of  those  intrusted  with  the  weal  of  a  con- 
fiding people.  But  the  obligation  to  declared  party  policy  and 
principle  is  not  wanting  to  urge  prompt  and  effective  action. 
Both  of  the  great  political  parties  now  represented  in  the  gov- 
ernment have,  by  repeated  and  authoritative  declarations,  con- 
demned the  condition  of  our  laws  which  permit  the  collection 
from  the  people  of  unnecessary  revenue,  and  have,  in  the  most 
solemn  manner,  promised  its  correction  ;  and  neither  as  citizens 
nor  partisans  are  our  countrymen  in  a  mood  to  condone  the 
deliberate  violation  of  these  pledges. 

Our  progress  toward  a  wise  conclusion  will  not  be  improved 
by  dwelling  upon-  the  theories  of  protection  and  free  trade. 
This  savors  too  much  of  bandying  epithets.  It  is  a  condition 
which  confronts  us  —  not  a  theory.  Relief  from  this  condition 
may  involve  a  slight  reduction  of  the  advantages  which  we 
award  our  home  productions,  but  the  entire  withdrawal  of  such 
advantages  should  not  be  contemplated.  The  question  of  free 
trade  is  absolutely  irrelevant ;  and  the  persistent  claim  made  in 
certain  quarters,  that  all  efforts  to  relieve  the  people  from 
unjust  and  unnecessary  taxation  are  schemes  of  so-called  free- 
traders, is  mischievous  and  far  removed  from  any  consideration 
for  the  public  good. 

The  simple  and  plain  duty  which  we  owe  the  people  is  to 
reduce  taxation  to  the  necessary  expenses  of  an  economical 
operation  of  the  government,  and  to  restore  to  the  business  of 
the  country  the  money  which  we  hold  in  the  treasury  through 
the  perversion  of  governmental  powers.  These  things  can  and 
should  be  done  with  safety  to  all  our  industries,  without  danger 
to  the  opportunity  for  remunerative  labor  which  our  workingmen 
need,  and  with  benefit  to  them  and  all  our  people,  by  cheapen- 
ing their  means  of  subsistence  and  increasing  the  measure  of 
their  comforts. 


242 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


The  Constitution  provides  that  the  President  "  shall,  from 
time  to  time,  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the  state  of 
the  Union."  It  has  been  the  custom  of  the  executive,  in  com- 
pliance with  this  provision,  to  annually  exhibit  to  the  Congress, 
at  the  opening  of  its  session,  the  general  condition  of  the  coun- 
try, and  to  detail  with  some  particularity  the  operations  of  the 
different  executive  departments.  It  would  be  especially  agree- 
able to  follow  this  course  at  the  present  time,  and  to  call  atten- 
tion to  the  valuable  accomplishments  of  these  departments 
during  the  last  fiscal  year.  But  I  am  so  much  impressed  with 
the  paramount  importance  of  the  subject  to  which  this  commu- 
nication has  thus  far  been  devoted  that  I  shall  forego  the 
addition  of  any  other  topic,  and  only  urge  upon  your  immediate 
consideration  the  "state  of  the  Union  "  as  shown  in  the  present 
consideration  of  our  treasury  and  our  general  fiscal  situation, 
upon  which  every  element  of  our  safety  and  prosperity  depends. 

The  reports  of  the  heads  of  departments,  which  will  be 
submitted,  contain  full  and  explicit  information  touching  the 
transaction  of  the  business  intrusted  to  them,  and  such  recom- 
mendations relating  to  legislation  in  the  public  interests  as  they 
deem  advisable.  I  ask  for  these  reports  and  recommendations 
the  deliberate  examination  and  action  of  the  legislative  branch 
of  the  government. 

There  are  other  subjects,  not  embraced  in  the  departmental 
reports,  demanding  legislative  consideration,  and  which  I  should 
be  glad  to  submit.  Some  of  them,  however,  have  been  earnestly 
presented  in  previous  messages,  and  as  to  them  I  beg  leave  to 
repeat  prior  recommendations. 

As  the  law  makes  no  provision  for  any  report  from  the 
Department  of  State,  a  brief  history  of  the  transactions  of  that 
important  department,  together  with  other  matters  which  it  may 
hereafter  be  deemed  essential  to  commend  to  the  attention  of  the 
Congress,  may  furnish  the  occasion  for  a  future  communication. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 
WASHINGTON,  December  6,  1887. 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM.  243 


DEMOCRATIC    PLATFORM,   1888. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States,  in  national 
convention  assembled,  renews  the  pledge  of  its  fidelity  to  Demo- 
cratic faith,  and  reaffirms  the  platform  adopted  by  its  representa- 
tives in  the  convention  of  1884,  and  indorses  the  views  expressed 
by  President  Cleveland  in  his  last  earnest  message  to  Congress  as 
the  correct  interpretation  of  that  platform  upon  the  question  of 
tariff  reduction  ;  and  also  indorses  the  efforts  of  our  Democratic 
representatives  in  Congress  to  secure  a  reduction  of  excessive 
taxation.  Among  its  principles  of  party  faith  are  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  indissoluble  Union  of  free  and  indestructible  states, 
now  about  to  enter  upon  its  second  century  of  unexampled  prog- 
ress and  renown  ;  devotion  to  a  plan  of  government  regulated 
by  a  written  constitution  strictly  specifying  every  granted  power 
and  expressly  reserving  to  the  states  or  people  the  entire  un- 
granted  residue  of  power ;  the  encouragement  of  a  jealous  pop- 
ular vigilance,  directed  to  all  who  have  been  chosen  for  brief 
terms  to  enact  and  execute  the  laws,  and  are  charged  with  the 
duty  of  preserving  peace,  insuring  equality,  and  establishing 
justice. 

The  Democratic  party  welcomes  an  exacting  scrutiny  of  the 
administration  of  the  executive  power  which  four  years  ago  was 
committed  to  its  trust  in  the  election  of  Grover  Cleveland 
President  of  the  United  States,  but  it  challenges  the  most 
searching  inquiry  concerning  its  fidelity  and  devotion  to  the 
pledges  which  then  invited  the  suffrages  of  the  people  during  a 
most  critical  period  of  our  financial  affairs,  resulting  from  over- 
taxation, the  anomalous  condition  of  our  currency,  and  a  public 
debt  unmatured.  It  has  by  the  adoption  of  a  wise  and  conserva- 
tive course  not  only  avoided  disaster,  but  greatly  promoted  the 
prosperity  of  our  people. 

*  It  has  reversed  the  improvident  and  unwise  policy  of  the  Re- 
publican party  touching  the  public  domain,  and  has  reclaimed 
from  corporations  and  syndicates,  alien  and  domestic,  and  re- 
stored to  the  people,  nearly  one  hundred  million  acres  of  land, 
to  be  sacredly  held  as  homesteads  for  our  citizens. 

While  carefully  guarding  the  interest  of  the  principles  of  jus- 
tice and  equity,  it  has  paid  out  more  for  pensions  and  bounties 
to  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  republic  than  was  ever  paid 


244 


THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


before  during  an  equal  period.  It  has  adopted  and  consistently 
pursued  a  firm  and  prudent  foreign  policy,  preserving  peace 
with  all  nations  while  scrupulously  maintaining  all  the  rights 
and  interests  of  our  own  government  and  the  people  at  home 
and  abroad.  The  exclusion  from  our  shores  of  Chinese  laborers 
has  been  effectually  secured  under  the  provision  of  a  treaty,  the 
operation  of  which  has  been  postponed  by  the  action  of  a  Re- 
publican majority  in  the  Senate. 

In  every  branch  and  department  of  the  government  under 
Democratic  control,  the  rights  and  the  welfare  of  all  the  people 
have  been  guarded  and  defended  ;  every  public  interest  has 
been  protected,  and  the  equality  of  all  our  citizens  before  the 
law,  without  regard  to  race  or  color,  has  been  steadfastly  main- 
tained. Upon  its  record,  thus  exhibited,  and  upon  the  pledge  of 
a  continuance  to  the  people  of  the  benefits  of  Democracy,  it  in- 
vokes a  renewal  of  public  trust  by  the  reelection  of  a  chief  magis- 
trate who  has  been  faithful,  able,  and  prudent,  to  invoke,  in 
addition,  to  that  trust  by  the  transfer  also  to  the  Democracy  of 
the  entire  legislative  power. 

The  Republican  party,  controlling  the  Senate,  and  resisting  in 
both  houses  of  Congress  a  reformation  of  unjust  and  unequal 
tax  laws,  which  have  outlasted  the  necessities  of  war  and  are 
now  undermining  the  abundance  of  a  long  peace,  deny  to  the 
people  equality  before  the  law,  and  the  fairness  and  the  justice 
which  are  their  right.  Then  the  cry  of  American  labor  for  a 
better  share  in  the  rewards  of  industry  is  stifled  with  false  pre- 
tence, enterprise  is  fettered  and  bound  down  to  home  markets, 
capital  is  discouraged  with  doubt,  and  unequal,  unjust  laws  can 
neither  be  properly  amended  nor  repealed. 

The  Democratic  party  will  continue  with  all  the  power  con- 
fided to  it  the  struggle  to  reform  these  laws  in  accordance  with 
the  pledges  of  its  last  platform,  indorsed  at  the  ballot-box  by 
the  suffrages  of  the  people.  Of  all  the  industrious  freemen  of 
our  land,  the  immense  majority,  including  every  tiller  of  the 
soil,  gain  no  advantage  from  excessive  tax  laws,  but  the  price  of 
nearly  everything  they  buy  is  increased  by  the  favoritism  of  an 
unequal  system  of  tax  legislation.  All  unnecessary  taxation  is 
unjust  taxation. 

It  is  repugnant  to  the  creed  of  Democracy  that  by  such  taxa- 
tion the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  should  be  unjustifiably  in- 
creased to  all  our  people.  Judged  by  Democratic  principles,  the 


THE  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


245 


interests  of  the  people  are  betrayed  when,  by  unnecessary  tax- 
ation, trusts  and  combinations  are  permitted  to  exist,  which, 
while  unduly  enriching  the  few  that  combine,  rob  the  body  of 
our  citizens  by  depriving  them  of  the  benefits  of  natural  compe- 
tition. Every  Democratic  rule  of  governmental  action  is  violated 
when,  through  unnecessary  taxation,  a  vast  sum  of  money,  far 
beyond  the  needs  of  an  economical  administration,  is  drawn 
from  the  people  and  the  channels  of  trade,  and  accumulated  as 
a  demoralizing  surplus  in  the  national  treasury.  The  money 
now  lying  idle  in  the  federal  treasury,  resulting  from  superflu- 
ous taxation,  amounts  to  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
millions,  and  the  surplus  collected  is  reaching  the  sum  of  more 
than  sixty  millions  annually.  Debauched  by  this  immense 
temptation,  the  remedy  of  the  Republican  party  is  to  meet  and 
exhaust,  by  extravagant  appropriations  and  expenses,  whether 
constitutional  or  not,  the  accumulation  of  extravagant  taxation. 
The  Democratic  policy  is  to  enforce  frugality  in  public  expense, 
and  abolish  unnecessary  taxation.  Our  established  domestic 
industries  and  enterprises  should  not,  and  need  not,  be  endan- 
gered by  the  reduction  and  correction  of  the  burdens  of  taxa- 
tion. On  the  contrary,  a  fair  and  careful  revision  of  our  tax 
laws,  with  due  allowance  for  the  difference  between  the  wages 
of  American  and  foreign  labor,  must  promote  and  encourage 
every  branch  of  such  industries  and  enterprises  by  giving  them 
assurances  of  an  extended  market  and  steady  and  continuous 
operations  in  the  interests  of  American  labor,  which  should  in 
no  event  be  neglected.  Revision  of  our  tax  laws,  contemplated 
by  the  Democratic  party,  should  promote  the  advantage  of  such 
labor  by  cheapening  the  cost  of  necessaries  of  life  in  the  home 
of  every  workingman  and  at  the  same  time  securing  to  him 
steady  remunerative  employment.  Upon  this  question  of  tariff 
reform,  so  closely  concerning  every  phase  of  our  national  life, 
and  upon  every  question  involved  in  the  problem  of  good  gov- 
ernment, the  Democratic  party  submits  its  principles  and  pro- 
fessions to  the  intelligent  suffrages  of  the  American  people. 


246  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 


THE  PRESIDENT  S  CIVIL-SERVICE  MESSAGE. 

To  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  —  Pursuant  to  the. 
second  section  of  chapter  27  of  the  laws  of  1883,  entitled  "An 
act  to  regulate  and  improve  the  civil  service  of  the  United 
States,"  I  herewith  transmit  the  fourth  report  of  the  United 
States  Civil  Service  Commission,  covering  the  period  between 
the  sixteenth  day  of  January,  1886,  and  the  first  day  of  July, 
1887. 

While  this  report  has  special  reference  to  the  operations  of 
the  commission  during  the  period  above  mentioned,  it  contains, 
with  its  accompanying  appendices,  much  valuable  information 
concerning  the  inception  of  civil -service  reform  and  its  growth 
and  progress  which  cannot  fail  to  be  interesting  and  instructive 
to  all  who  desire  improvement  in  administrative  methods. 

During  the  time  covered  by  the  report,  15,852  persons  were 
examined  for  admission  in  the  classified  civil  service  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  all  its  branches,  of  whom  10.746  passed  the  exami- 
nation, and  5,106  failed.  Of  those  who  passed  the  examina- 
tion 2,977  were  applicants  for  admission  to  the  departmental 
service  at  Washington,  2,547  were  examined  for  admission  to 
the  customs  service,  and  5,222  for  admission  to  the  postal  ser- 
vice. During  the  same  period,  547  appointments  were  made 
from  the  eligible  lists  to  the  departmental  service,  641  to  the 
customs  service,  and  3,254  to  the  postal  service. 

Concerning  separations  from  the  classified  service,  the  report 
only  informs  us  of  such  as  have  occurred  among  employes  in 
the  public  service  who  had  been  appointed  from  eligible  lists 
under  civil-service  rules.  When  these  rules  took  effect  they 
did  not  apply  to  the  persons  then  in  the  service,  comprising  a 
full  complement  of  employes  who  obtained  their  positions  inde- 
pendently of  the  new  law.  The  commission  has  no  record  of 
the  separations  in  this  numerous  class,  and  the  discrepancy 
apparent  in  the  -report  between  the  number  of  appointments 
made  in  the  respective  branches  of  the  service  from  the  lists  of 
the  commission  and  the  small  number  of  separations  mentioned 
is,  to  a  great  extent,  accounted  for  by  vacancies  of  which  no 
report  was  made  to  the  commission,  occurring  among  those 
who  held  their  places  without  examination  and  certification, 


CIVIL-SERVICE  MESSAGE. 


247 


which  vacancies  were  filled  by  appointment  from  the  eligible 
lists. 

In  the  departmental  service  there  occurred  between  the 
sixteenth  day  of  January,  1886,  and  the  thirtieth  day  of  June, 
1887,  among  the  employes  appointed  from  the  eligible  lists 
under  civil-service  rules,  17  removals,  36  resignations,  and  5 
deaths.  This  does  not  include  14  separations  in  the  grade  of 
special  pension  examiners  —  4  by  removal,  5  by  resignation, 
and  5  by  death. 

In  the  classified  customs  and  postal  service,  the  number  of 
separations  among  those  who  received  absolute  appointments 
under  civil-service  rules  is  given  for  the  period  between  the 
first  day  of  January,  1886,  and  the  thirtieth  day  of  June,  1887. 
It  appears  that  such  separations  in  the  customs  service  for  the 
time  mentioned  embraced  21  removals,  5  deaths,  and  18  resig- 
nations, and  in  the  postal  service '256  removals,  23  deaths,  and 
469  resignations. 

More  than  a  year  has  passed  since  the  expiration  of  the 
period  covered  by  the  report  of  the  commission.  Within  the 
time  which  has  thus  elapsed  many  important  changes  have 
taken  place  in  furtherance  of  a  reform  in  our  civil  service.  The 
rules  and  regulations  governing  the  execution  of  the  law  upon 
the  subject  have  been  completely  remodelled,  in  such  manner  as 
to  render  the  enforcement  of  the  statute  more  effective,  and 
greatly  increase  its  usefulness. 

Among  other  things,  the  scope  of  the  examinations  pre- 
scribed for  those  who  seek  to  enter  the  classified  service  has 
been  better  defined  and  made  more  practical,  the  number  of 
names  to  be  certified  from  the  eligible  lists  to  the  appointing 
officers  from  which  a  selection  is  made  has  been  reduced  from 
four  to  three,  the  maximum  limitation  of  the  age  of  persons 
seeking  entrance  to  the  classified  service  to  forty-five  years  has . 
been  changed,  and  reasonable  provision  has  been  made  for  the 
transfer  of  employes  from  one  department  to  another  in  proper 
cases.  A  plan  has  been  devised  providing  for  the  examination 
of  applicants  for  promotion  in  the  service,  which,  when  in  full 
operation,  will  eliminate  all  chance  of  favoritism  in  the  advance- 
ment of  employe's,  by  making  promotion  a  reward  of  merit  and 
faithful  discharge  of  duty. 

Until  within  a  few  weeks  there  was  no  uniform  classification 
of  employe's  in  the  different  executive  departments  of  the 


248  THE  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET. 

government.  As  a  result  of  this  condition,  in  some  of  the  depart- 
ments positions  could  be  obtained  without  civil-service  exami- 
nation, because  they  were  not  within  the  classification  of  such 
department,  while  in  other  departments  an  examination  and 
certification  were  necessary  to  obtain  positions  of  the  same 
grade,  because  such  positions  were  embraced  in  the  classifica- 
tions applicable  to  those  departments. 

The  exception  of  laborers,  watchmen,  and  messengers  from 
examination  and  classification  gave  opportunity,  in  the  absence 
of  any  rule  guarding  against  it,  for  the  employment,  free  from 
civil-service  restrictions,  of  persons  under  these  designations 
who  were  immediately  detailed  to  do  clerical  work. 

All  this  has  been  obviated  by  the  application  to  all  the  de- 
partments of  an  extended  and  uniform  classification  embracing 
grades  of  employe's  not  theretofore  included,  and  by  the  adop- 
tion of  a  rule  prohibiting  the  detail  of  laborers,  watchmen,  or 
messengers  to  clerical  duty. 

The  path  of  civil-service  reform  has  not  at  all  times  been 
pleasant  or  easy.  The  scope  and  purpose  of  the  reform  have 
been  much  misapprehended  ;  and  this  has  not  only  given  rise 
to  strong  opposition,  but  has  led  to  its  invocation  by  its  friends 
to  compass  objects  not  in  the  least  related  to  it.  Thus  partisans 
of  the  patronage  system  have  naturally  condemned  it.  Those 
who  do  not  understand  its  meaning  either  mistrust  it  or,  when 
disappointed  because  in  its  present  stage  it  is  not  applied  to 
every  real  or  imaginary  ill,  accuse  those  charged  with  its  en- 
forcement with  faithlessness  to  civil-service  reform.  Its  impor- 
tance has  frequently  been  underestimated  ;  and  the  support  of 
good  men  has  thus  been  lost  by  their  lack  of  interest  in  its  suc- 
cess. Besides  all  these  difficulties,  those  responsible  for  the 
administration  of  the  government  in  its  executive  branches  have 
been,  and  still  are,  often  annoyed  and  irritated  by  the  disloyalty 
to  the  service,  and  the  insolence,  of  employe's  who  remain  in 
place  as  the  beneficiaries  and  the  relics  and  reminders  of  the 
vicious  system  of  appointment  which  civil-service  reform  was 
intended  to  displace. 

And  yet  these  are  but  the  incidents  of  an  advance  move- 
ment, which  is  radical  and  far-reaching.  The  people  are,  not- 
withstanding, to  be  congratulated  upon  the  progress  which  has 
been  made,  and  upon  the  firm,  practical,  and  sensible  founda- 
tion upon  which  this  reform  now  rests. 


CIVIL-SERVICE  MESSAGE. 


249 


.  With  a  continuation  of  the  intelligent  fidelity  which  has 
hitherto  characterized  the  work  of  the  commission,  with  a  con- 
tinuation and  increase  of  the  favor  and  liberality  which  have 
lately  been  evinced  by  the  Congress  in  the  proper  equipment 
of  the  commission  for  its  work,  with  a  firm  but  conservative 
and  reasonable  support  of  the  reform  by  all  its  friends,  and 
with  the  disappearance  of  opposition  which  must  inevitably 
follow  its  better  understanding,  the  execution  of  the  civil-service 
law  cannot  fail  to  ultimately  answer  the  hopes  in  which  it  had 
its  origin. 

GROVER  CLEVELAND. 

EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  July,  23,  1888. 


THE  HIGHEST  GRADE 
HAMPAGNE 


IN   THE   WORLD. 
& 

CARTE  BLANCHE (Ricn.) 

GRAND  VIN  SEC (DRY.) 

* 

JOHN  D.  &  M.  WILLIAMS,  AGENTS, 

187  STATE  STREET, 

BOSTON,  MASS. 


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An  endeavor  to  present  in  a  popular  way  the  philosophy  and  practice  of 
mental  healing. 

The  author  does  not  claim  for  her  essay  either  completeness  or  permanent 
value,  but  hopes  "  to  fix  a  few  points  and  establish  a  few  relative  values,  in  an- 
ticipation of  the  time  when  human  research  and  experience  shall  complete  the 
pictures." 

She  holds  that  the  human  mind  can  achieve  nothing  that  is  so  good  except 
when  it  becomes  the  channel  of  the  infinite  spirit  of  God,  and  that  so-called 
mind  cures  are  not  brought  about  wholly  by  the  power  of  the  mind  over  the 
body,  or  by  the  influence  of  one  mind  over  another. 

Religious  enthusiasm  and  scientific  medicine  abound  in  cases  of  extraordi- 
nary cures  of  diseases  effected  by  what,  for  the  sake  of  convenience,  is  gener- 
ally called  "faith." 

It  will  not  do,  says  the  British  Medical  Journal,  for  pathologists  and  psy- 
chologists to  treat  these  "  modern  miracles  "  so  cavalierly. 

In  them  are  exhibited,  in  a  more  or  less  legitimate  manner,  the  results  of  the 
action  of  the  mind  upon  the  bodily  functions  and  particles. 

Hysteria  is  curable  by  these  phenomena,  since  hysteria,  after  all,  is  only  an 
unhealthy  mastery  of  the  body  over  the  mind,  and  is  cured  by  this  or  any  other 
stimulus  to  the  imagination.  "Therefore,"  says  the  editor  of  the  above  jour- 
nal, "there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  faith-healing,  so  called,  may  have  more 
positive  results  than  we  have  been  accustomed  to  allow." 

TYPICAL    NEW   ENGLAND   ELMS   AND   OTHER   TREES. 

Reproduced  by  Photogravure  from  photographs  by  HENRY  BROOKS,  with 
an  Introduction,  and  with  Notes  by  L.  L.  Dame.     410.  [In  press. 

Cupples  and  Hurd,        Boo&iiers,  BOSTON. 

Library  Agents, 


Important  New  Books. 


THE  FOUR  GOSPELS.    Translated  into  Modern  English  from  the  Au- 
thorized and  Revised  Versions.     By  ERNEST  BILTON.     Cloth.     $ i.oo. 
A  cheap  edition  of  a  new  translation  of  the  Gospels,  having  a.  great  run  of 
popularity  in  the  religious  circles  of  Great  Britain. 

The  author  has  taken  the  authorised  version  as  it  stands,  availing  him- 
self of  many  corrections  suggested  by  the  revised  version,  and  has  given  the 
apparent  meaning  of  the  text  in  the  plainest  possible  language,  the  whole 
object  being  the  simplification  of  the  narratives  of  the  Evangelists.  It  is  not 
expected  that  this  rendering  will  supersede  the  accepted  version.  The  author. 
evidently  feels  that  he  is  not  without  hope  that  it  may  lead  to  the  serious  con- 
sideration, in  proper  quarters,  of  the  advisability  of  providing  the  people 
with  an  authorised  translation  of  the  Scriptures  into  the  "  vulgar  tongue." 
not  of  the  sixteenth  but  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

THE  SKETCHES  OF  THE  CLANS  OF  SCOTLAND,  with  twenty- 
two  full-page  colored  plates  of  Tartans.  By  CLANSMEN  J.  M.  P.  -  F.  W.  S. 
Large  8vo.  Cloth,  $2.00. 

The  object  of  this  treatise  is  to  give  a  concise  account  of  the  origin,  seat,  and 
characteristics  of  the  Scottish  clans,  together  with  a  representation  of  the  dis- 
tinguishing tartan  worn  by  each.  The  illustrations  are  fine  specimens  of  color 
•work,  all  executed  in  Scotland. 

THE  GREEN   HAND  ;  or,  the  Adventures  of  a  Naval  Lieutenant.     A  Sea 
Story.     By  GEORGE  CUPPLES.     With  Portrait  of  the  Author  and  other 
Illustrations,     i  vol.     12  mo.     Cloth.     $2.00. 
A  new  library  edition  of  this  fascinating  sea  classic.  [In  press. 

ALL  MATTER  TENDS  TO  ROTATION,  OR  THE  ORIGIN 
OF  ENERGY.  A  New  Hypothesis  which  throws  Light  upon  all  the 
Phenomena  of  Nature.  Electricity,  Magnetism,  Gravitation,  Light, 
Heat,  and  Chemical  Action  explained  upon  Mechanical  Principles  and 
traced  to  a  Single  Source.  By  LEONIDAS  LE  CKNCI  HAMILTON,  M.  A. 
Vol.  i.  Origin  of  Energy :  Electrostatics  and  Magnetism.  Containing  100 
Illustrations,  including  Fine  Steel  Portraits  of  Faraday  and  Maxwell. 
Handsomely  bound  in  cloth.  8vo,  340  pp.  Price,  $3.00.  Net. 

In  this  volume  the  author  has  utilized  the  modern  conception  of  lines  of 
force  originated  by  Faraday,  and  afterwards  developed  mathematically  by 
Prof.  J.  Clerk  Maxwell,  and  he  has  reached  an  explanation  of  electrical  and 
magnetic  phenomena  which  has  been  expected  by  physicists  on  both  conti- 
nents. It  may  have  a  greater  influence  upon  the  scientific  world  than  either 
Newton's  "Principia"  or  Darwin's  "Origin  of  Species,"  because  it  places 
natural  science  upon  its  only  true  basis —  Pure  Mechanics. 

Publishers, 

Cupples  and  Hurd,        Bookseller,,  BOSTON. 

r*  Library  Aftntr, 


Important  New  Books. 


THOMAS  CARLYLE'S  COUNSELS  TO  A  LITERARY  ASPI- 
RANT (a  Hitherto  Unpublished  Letter  of  1842),  and  What  Came  of 
Them.  With  a  brief  estimate  of  the  man.  By  JAMES  HUTCHINSON  STIR- 
LING, LL.  D.  i2mo,  boards,  50  cents. 

Gives  a  side  of  the  rugged  old  Scotchman  which  will  be  new  to  most  readers. 
It  shows  that  he  was  not  always  gruff  and  bearish,  and  that  he  could  at  times 
think  of  somebody  besides  himself.  The  letter  is  one  ivhich  every  young  man 
who  lias  a  leaning  towards  literary  work  will  read  and  ponder  over. 

SOCIAL    LIFE    AND    LITERATURE    FIFTY    YEARS    AGO. 

i6mo,  cloth,  white  paper  labels,  gilt  top.     $1.00. 

By  a  well-known  litterateur.  It  will  take  a  high  place  among  the  literature 
treating  of  the  period.  A  quaint  and  delightful  book,  exquisitely  printed  in  the 
Pickering  style.  ' 

CIVILIZATION  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.  By  MATTHEW 
ARNOLD.  And  Other  Essays  concerning  America.  i6mo,  unique  paper 
boards.  75  cents.  Cloth,  uncut,  $1.25.  <.The  cloth  binding  matches  the 
uniform  edition  of  his  collected war -ks. 

Comprises  the  critical  essays,  which  created  so  much  discussion,  namely, 
"General  Grant,  an  Estimate."  "A  Word  about  America,"  "A  Word  more 
about  America,"  and  "  Civilization  in  the  United  States." 

%*  This  collection  gathers  in  the  great  critic's  last  contributions  to  literature. 

LEGENDS    OF    THE    RHINE.      From  the  German  of  Prof.  BERNARD. 

Translated  by  FR.  ARNOLD.     Finely  Illustrated.     Small  4to.     Cloth. 
An  admirable  collection  of  the  popular  historical  traditions  of  the  Rhine,  told 
with  taste  and  picturesque  simplicity.  \_Inpress. 

A  SELECTION  FROM  THE  POEMS  OF  .  PUSHKIN. 
Translated,  with  Critical  Notes  and  a  Bibliography.  By  IVAN  PANIN, 
author  of  "Thoughts."  Foolscap  8vo.  Unique  binding.  $2.00. 

The  first  published  translation  by  the  brilliant  young  Russian,  Ivan  Panin, 
whose  lectures  in  Boston  on  the  literature  of  Russia,  during  the  autumn  of  last 
year,  attracted  crowded  houses. 

WIT,  WISDOM,  AND  PATHOS,  from  the  prose  of  HEINRICH  HEINE, 

with  a  few  pieces  from  the  "  Book  of  Songs."     Selected  and  translated  by 

J.    SNODGRASS.      Second  edition,    thoroughly  revised.     Cr.    8vo,  338  pp. 

Cloth,  $2.00, 

"A  treasure   of  almost  priceless  thought  and  criticism."  —  Contemporary 

Review. 

Cupples  and  Hurd,      '***<££/&«  BOSTON. 

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